Despite the influence of social support on physical and mental health, few studies have examined why some close ties are more supportive than others. Though religion provides a rich context for social interaction and a meaningful social identity, it has received little attention in the social support literature. A growing literature on religion and health offers insight into how religion affects social support processes. Using dyadic network data derived from the nationally representative 2006 Portraits of American Life Study, I examine how the religious dimensions of close, nonhousehold ties relate to provision of social support. Results from logistic regression analyses indicate that (controlling for a range of other social tie characteristics) same‐faith ties are significantly more likely to be sources of help “in times of need,” while religious discussion is a strong predictor of receiving both help and advice. The effect of religious homophily is strongest for evangelical Protestants and African‐American Protestants. My findings underscore the need for social support researchers to consider the role of religion in shaping support processes in close relationships.
A growing number of studies point to religious social networks as the critical link between religion and volunteering, mediating the effect of religious participation and predicting volunteering more strongly than beliefs. Previous studies have examined how the presence or absence of religiously based social ties predicts volunteering behavior. However, few studies have focused on the role of recruitment in personal networks. Examining the sources and frequency of recruitment efforts is especially important, since being asked to volunteer is one of the strongest predictors of volunteering. Using data from the nationally representative Portraits of American Life Study, this study examines the frequency and effectiveness of volunteer recruitment via close, same-faith ties. I find that same-faith friends and family members vary widely in their propensity to make volunteer requests, depending on whether religion is a salient aspect of the relationship and whether the relationship is connected to congregational social networks. I also find that, for churchgoers and non-churchgoers alike, ties to people actively involved in a congregation are important sources of volunteer invitations. As expected, having been asked to volunteer is a strong predictor of volunteering. However, the recruitment source appears to be less critical. I explore how these findings shed light on the mechanisms linking religious networks and volunteering.
This article focuses on stratification beliefs and racial policy opinions among white and black Americans who differ in religious preference. First, it summarizes earlier research on white conservative Protestants and outlines characterizations of Black Protestant church congregants. It then reports patterns of stratification beliefs and racial policy opinions among blacks and whites varying in religious preference who responded to the 1996 through 2006 General Social Surveys. Comparisons across twelve race-by-religion categories did not provide persuasive evidence that white conservative Protestants are uniquely conservative in their stratification beliefs, once background characteristics are controlled, nor was the Black Protestant group distinctive. Compared to blacks, whites were less inclined to structuralist explanations of racial inequality, slightly more inclined to individualist explanations, and consistently more negative about policies and programs to aid blacks. What is more, white Christians were more racially conservative in all these ways than non-Christian whites.
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