Farming was first introduced to Europe in the mid-7th millennium BCE–associated with migrants from Anatolia who settled in the Southeast before spreading throughout Europe. To understand the dynamics of this process, we analyzed genome-wide ancient DNA data from 225 individuals who lived in southeastern Europe and surrounding regions between 12,000 and 500 BCE. We document a West-East cline of ancestry in indigenous hunter-gatherers and–in far-eastern Europe–early stages in the formation of Bronze Age Steppe ancestry. We show that the first farmers of northern and western Europe passed through southeastern Europe with limited hunter-gatherer admixture, but that some groups that remained mixed extensively, without the male-biased hunter-gatherer admixture that prevailed later in the North and West. Southeastern Europe continued to be a nexus between East and West, with intermittent genetic contact with the Steppe up to 2000 years before the migrations that replaced much of northern Europe’s population.
Farming was first introduced to southeastern Europe in the mid-7th millennium BCE – brought by migrants from Anatolia who settled in the region before spreading throughout Europe. To clarify the dynamics of the interaction between the first farmers and indigenous hunter-gatherers where they first met, we analyze genome-wide ancient DNA data from 223 individuals who lived in southeastern Europe and surrounding regions between 12,000 and 500 BCE. We document previously uncharacterized genetic structure, showing a West-East cline of ancestry in hunter-gatherers, and show that some Aegean farmers had ancestry from a different lineage than the northwestern Anatolian lineage that formed the overwhelming ancestry of other European farmers. We show that the first farmers of northern and western Europe passed through southeastern Europe with limited admixture with local hunter-gatherers, but that some groups mixed extensively, with relatively sex-balanced admixture compared to the male-biased hunter-gatherer admixture that prevailed later in the North and West. Southeastern Europe continued to be a nexus between East and West after farming arrived, with intermittent genetic contact from the Steppe up to 2,000 years before the migration that replaced much of northern Europe’s population.
For the Early Iron Age western Hallstatt culture, which includes the site of Magdalenenberg in southwest Germany, it has been proposed that people were mobile and maintained far reaching social and trading networks throughout Europe. We tested this hypothesis by analyzing multiple isotopes (strontium, oxygen, sulfur, carbon, and nitrogen) of the preserved skeletons from the Magdalenenberg elite cemetery to determine diets and to look for evidence of mobility. The analysis of carbon, nitrogen, and sulfur isotope ratios in collagen of humans (n = 50) and associated domestic fauna (n = 10) indicates a terrestrial-based diet. There was a heterogeneous range of isotope values in both strontium (0.70725 to 0.71923, n = 76) and oxygen (13.4‰ to 18.5‰, n = 78) measured in tooth enamel. Although many of the individuals had values consistent with being from Hallstatt culture sites within southwest Germany, some individuals likely originated from further afield. Possible areas include the Alps of Switzerland and Austria or even locations in Italy. Our study strongly supports the assumption of far reaching social and economic networks in the western Hallstatt culture.
A skeleton from Tell Yunatsite in Bulgarian Thrace shows evidence of amputation of the right hand. The individual dates back to the end of the fifth millennium, connecting it to the Late Copper Age of that region. The Chalcolithic settlement on the tell ended immediately after a bellicose assault. Therefore, the question arose if the loss of the hand may be connected with this incidence. Anthropological studies in close collaboration with the archaeologists on site made clear that the abscission took place at an earlier time. This result led to a series of complex questions. These are described in this work. We will show that a congenital origin for the loss of the hand can be excluded, and that the individual survived this severe injury for a certain time span. Several possible explanations for an amputation are discussed. It turns out that a surgical intervention seems to be the most likely reason. It becomes clear that there must have been an excellent medical knowledge in the Copper Age concerning surgery and wound treatment. Furthermore, the survival of the handicapped individual documents a certain social cohesion.
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