IntroductionMuch of the literature on urban regeneration has focused on the form and character of new urban spaces and the broader socioeconomic impacts of projects on communities living in and around development areas. The emphasis has been on the mechanisms in and through which development imaginations have been structured and mobilised and the ways in which the powers of different interests have been converted into development practices. However, in this paper we argue that relatively little attention has been given to the issue of time in the regeneration process and the socioeconomic impacts of development phasing and timing. Regeneration, after all, is concerned not only with what is constructed but also when particular objectives should be prioritised and at what point(s) in the development process different groups and interests could and should have their needs and priorities addressed.This politics of space^time takes on multiple forms. Policy makers and planners, for example, often initiate urban projects by trying to encourage developers to invest capital in peripheral and/or derelict urban sites. In the short term the need to prepare sites for new investment often becomes the principal development priority. Developers and investors, in turn, often look to maximise the returns on their investments by shortening investment time frames as tying up capital for long periods increases costs. For others, however, such as residential and small-business communities located Abstract. Much of the writing on urban regeneration in the UK has been focused on the types of urban spaces that have been created in city centres. Less has been written about the issue of when the benefits of regeneration could and should be delivered to a range of different interests, and the different time frames that exist in any development area. Different perceptions of time have been reflected in dominant development philosophies in the UK and elsewhere. The trickle-down agendas of the 1980s, for example, were criticised for their focus on the short-term time frames and needs of developers, often at the expense of those of local communities. The recent emergence of sustainability discourses, however, ostensibly changes the time focus of development and promotes a broader concern with new imagined futures. This paper draws on the example of development in Salford Quays, in the North West of England, to argue that more attention needs to be given to the politics of space^time in urban development processes. It begins by discussing the importance and relevance of this approach before turning to the case study and the ways in which the local politics of spacet ime has influenced development agendas and outcomes. The paper argues that such an approach harbours the potential for more progressive, far-reaching, and sustainable development agendas to be developed and implemented.

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This paper explores the role of local government in urban regeneration in England. The first part describes local-central government relations during recent decades. It concludes that 'actually occurring' regeneration fuses top-down and bottom-up priorities and preferences, as well as path dependencies created by past decisions and local relations. The second part illustrates this contention by examining the regeneration of inner-city Salford over a 25-year period. It describes Salford City Council's approach in achieving the redevelopment of the former Salford Docks and how this created the confidence for the council to embark on further regeneration projects. Yet the top-down decision-making model has failed to satisfy local expectations, creating apathy which threatens the Labour government's desire for active citizens in regeneration projects.

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