No abstract

The growing ethnic and racial diversity of the United States is evident at all spatial scales. One of the striking features of this new mixture of peoples, however, is that this new diversity often occurs in tandem with racial concentration. This article surveys these new geographies from four points of view: the nation as a whole, states, large metropolitan areas, and neighborhoods. The analysis at each scale relies on a new taxonomy of racial composition that simultaneously appraises both diversity and the lack thereof (Holloway, Wright, and Ellis 2012). Urban analysis often posits neighborhood racial segregation and diversity as either endpoints on a continuum of racial dominance or mirror images of one another. We disturb that perspective and stress that segregation and diversity must be jointly understood—they are necessarily related, although not as inevitable binary opposites. Using census data from 1990, 2000, and 2010, the research points to how patterns of racial diversity and dominance interact across varying spatial scales. This investigation helps answer some basic questions about the changing geographies of racialized groups, setting the stage for the following articles that explore the relationship between geography and the participation of underrepresented groups in higher education.

This analysis considers how racial segregation affects the residential geographies of households headed by mixed-race couples. We also become interested in assessing whether diverse households live in diverse places. To measure neighbourhood diversity, we develop a new index of diversity based on the exposure index. The analysis of 12 large US metropolitan areas finds that race (in tandem with status markers like income) and nativity provide some of the best understandings of the neighbourhood geographies of mixed-race households. The study also reveals that instead of fitting into and thus reinforcing the existing racialised urban spatial structure, some households formed by 'partnering out' live in spaces characterised by their racial diversity. We focus on the mixed-race household because such a collective constitutes a scale at which mixed-race contact takes place and a site for identity construction of individuals, partners, and the surrounding neighbourhood.

Although mixed-race partnering in the United States is on the rise, scholars have paid scant attention to where people of `differently racialized parentage' (Ifekwunigwe, 2001: 46) actually meet. In an effort to help fill this gap, this paper (1) offers an overview of current scholarship on places of encounter and (2) aims to provide a blueprint for future research that will explicitly interrogate where mixed-race partners meet. We organize our survey around four contexts—residential neighborhoods, workplaces, educational settings, and cyberspace—to point out productive avenues for further inquiry. In contrast to much of the literature cited in this essay and in an effort to emphasize the intersections of race and space, we advocate for new scholarship that addresses the times and places where routine, prosaic, interactions between adults can erode long-standing stereotypes and lead to meaningful relationships. In studying everyday social and spatial processes, we highlight the potential insights gained from detailing the `micro-geographies of habitual practice' (Nash, 2000: 656).

Between 1990 and 2010, the white population share in US metropolitan areas fell from 73.5 percent to 60.3 percent. This paper explores how this decline affected the number and composition of white census tracts (tracts in which non-Latino whites constitute the largest group). In 1990, white tracts comprised 82 percent of all metropolitan tracts. By 2010, this percentage had fallen to 70 percent, paralleling the percentage point drop in white population share. This loss was concentrated among the most segregated white tracts - those with low diversity. White tracts that were moderately diverse actually doubled in number between 1990 and 2010 although this increase was insufficient to cancel the loss of low diversity white tracts. We model the effects of metropolitan characteristics on white-tract change by metropolitan area. Greater metropolitan-scale diversity increases the probability that low-diversity white tracts transition to moderate-diversity white. Moderately diverse white tracts, however, become more stable with increased diversity. A large metropolitan percentage of blacks or the foreign born, however, reverses this stabilizing effect, increasing the probability that moderately diverse white tracts transition to non-white tracts (i.e. where a non-white group is the largest group). Thus the level and composition of metropolitan diversity matters for the trajectory of moderately diverse white tracts. Overall, the formation of new white tracts, possibly the result of gentrification, coupled with the emergence of moderately diverse white tracts and an increasing share of whites living in such residential environments, suggests a reconfiguration rather than a dissolving of white dominated neighborhood space in response to increased diversity in surrounding metropolitan contexts.