Using 1980s data, McClain and Kamig (1990) examined the extent of socioeconomic and political competition between Blacks and Latinos in 49 cities that had a population over 25,000 with at least 10% Blacks and 10% Latino. That research found a positive correlation between Blacks and Latinos on socioeconomic indicators, but it discovered the emergence of political competition between the 2 groups. Using 1990s data, this article examines political and socioeconomic competition in the 45 cities from the earlier data set that still met McClain and Karnig's criteria. The authors have found that although there is still a positive covariation on socioeconomic indicators, the intensity of this relationship has diminished. On the political dimension, Black and Latino competition now may be displaced by increasing competition between Whites and Latinos. We conclude tentatwely that a decade has made a difference in terms of socioeconomic and political competition between Blacks and Latinos.The changing racial population dynamics of urban politics has spawned research that focuses attention on the patterns of relationships between the various racial minority groups-Blacks, Latinos, and Asian Americans-in urban areas. Scholars have reached no consensus, however, on the dominant pattern of relationships. Some research characterizes it as one of cooperation, a &dquo;rainbow coalition&dquo;

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There is a rich history of scholarship demonstrating that interest groups have influenced judicial policymaking, but there has not been a system atic test of whether a single group has contributed to case outcomes over an entire policy area while controlling for other elements of judicial deci sion making. Additionally, the degree to which extra-legal factors domi nate a group's ability to influence judicial policy has not been explored sufficiently Finally, there needs to be an empirical test of the extent to which elements of judicial decision making affect an interest group's choice to litigate. This study examines these questions by assessing the NAACP- Legal Defense and Education Fund's (LDF) contribution to the popula tion of 217 capital punishment cases decided in the U.S. Courts of Appeals. This article finds that when considered in light of the judicial decision making context, the LDF is not a significant factor influencing case out comes. Moreover, an interaction model suggests that the LDF's ability to affect case outcomes is controlled largely by extra-legal factors. Finally, there is no evidence that the LDF's decision to litigate follows a pattern based on this judicial decisionmaking context. These findings should prompt future scholars researching a group's litigation campaign to ex amine his/her subject in the framework of the judicial decision-making process instead of in isolation.

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