Mobile phone ownership has spread rapidly among young people in the UK. This article contributes to an expanding body of literature which is examining the consequences of this phenomenon for urban life. Our focus is the impact of mobile phones on young people's geographies, particularly their own and their parents’ fears about their safety in public spaces. Quantitative and qualitative findings are presented from two research projects in Gateshead, north‐east England on crime victimization and leisure injury risk for young people, in which the role of mobile phones in managing and negotiating safety emerged as significant. The article highlights the different ways in which young people and parents are using mobile phones for this purpose, and asks whether they are best viewed as technologies of surveillance or empowerment. We also raise questions about the efficacy of mobile phones in protecting young people from risk and fear, in particular examining the mobile as a new site of victimization. Throughout, we emphasize the social unevenness of the uses and impacts of new technologies, which is often underplayed in research. We conclude with the suggestion that although they offer some empowerment to young people in their use of public spaces and their negotiation of risk, mobile phones appear to be reshaping rather than reducing moral panics about young people's presence there. Au Royaume‐Uni, le téléphone mobile s’est répandu rapidement parmi les jeunes. Cet article s’ajoute aux documents en nombre croissant qui étudient les conséquences de ce phénomène sur la vie urbaine. Il s’attache à l’impact des mobiles sur la géographie des jeunes, notamment sur leurs craintes personnelles et celles de leurs parents quant à leur sécurité dans les espaces publics. Il présente des résultats quantitatifs et qualitatifs provenant de deux projets de recherches à Gateshead (nord‐est de l’Angleterre) sur le risque pour les jeunes d’être victimes d’un acte criminel et de se blesser durant un loisir, cas où les mobiles semblent jouer un rôle important pour gérer et négocier la sécurité. L’article met en lumière les différents modes d’utilisation des mobiles à cette fin, par les jeunes et les parents, en se demandant si ces téléphones sont d’abord considérés comme des technologies de surveillance ou de responsabilisation. Il interroge également l’efficacité des mobiles pour protéger les jeunes contre risques et craintes, notamment en envisageant ces téléphones comme nouveau terrain de victimisation. Dans son ensemble, ce travail souligne l’irrégularité sociale des usages et impacts des nouvelles technologies, souvent minimisée dans la recherche. La conclusion suggère que, même s’ils offrent une certaine responsabilisation aux jeunes dans leur utilisation des espaces publics et leur négociation du risque, les téléphones mobiles semblent remodeler, non réduire, les paniques morales liées à leur présence dans ces lieux.

Conflicting prognoses for European identity are addressed using data from residents of Edinburgh, Scotland, on the everyday significance of being European; a theoretically informed focus on people in one city. A representative sample of established residents aged 18—24 years are compared with a sample of resident peers engaged in Europe-oriented work or study. Survey data provide an overview of their different understandings of Europe and patterns of identification with Europe, Britain, Scotland and Edinburgh. Using qualitative interviews, rationales for self-engagement with or disengagement from Europe are further interrogated and located in orientations to place of residence, nationality and citizenship.These data provide some further insight into the process by which some come to present themselves as passionate utopian Europeans, while for many being European remains emotionally insignificant and devoid of imagined community or steps towards global citizenship.

General rightsThis document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. Full terms of use are available: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/pure/about/ebr-terms 1 An Audible Minority: migration, settlement and identity among English graduates in Scotland Ross Bond, Katharine Charsley and Sue Grundy Migration and identityIt is widely recognised that the process of migration may alter the identities of migrants just as it may alter dominant conceptions of national identity in the receiving country (Modood 1997). However, the 'assimilationist' model in which migrant identities evolved to accord more closely with dominant identities within their new national context has been widely challenged by multicultural and transnationalist perspectives (Castles 2002;Faist 2000;Koopmans and Statham 1999;Østergaard-Nielsen 2003;Portes et al 1999). While such arguments represent a valuable corrective to insufficiently nuanced understandings of the relationship between migration and identity, arguably they neglect an important dimension. While in one respect challenging 'methodological nationalism' (Wimmer and Glick Schiller 2003), the primary point of reference continues to be the state. It is states that are understood to be multicultural, and transnationalism in fact describes a situation where migrant interests and identities are divided between different state contexts.What is underemphasised is the multi-national nature of many states and the significance that this has for questions relating to migration and identity. Migration need not entail the traversing of state boundaries for questions of identity -indeed national identity -to be significant. Although discussions of the relationship between migration, identity and citizenship are important and valuable (see, e.g. Castles 2002;Nagel and Staeheli 2004) many migrants move within state boundaries but cross 2 national borders, and thus retain their previous citizenship rights but nevertheless are required to (re-)negotiate their identities within a changed national context. In these instances, migrants may have a disrupted sense of belonging and identification, and formal citizenship is no guarantee against 'informal and symbolic' exclusion (Favell and Geddes 1999: 11;Nagel and Staeheli 2004).We examine a specific instance of migration across national borders but within state boundaries: movement between England and Scotland. Our work contrasts with previous research on England-Scotland migration in that we focus on a somewhat under-researched group (graduates, specifically those who moved fromEngland to study at a university in Scotland) and on those who, although not recent migrants to Scotland, were not long-term residents. An important aspect of the research was to explore what factors may be influential in encouraging long-term settlement among this group. Graduate migration is also examined within the context of Scotland's contemporary demographic challenges, and the political response to these ch...

The issue of migration is one which, both from a historical and contemporary perspective, occupies a prominent place with regard to Scotland's development and identity. The historical in-migration and settlement of people from other parts of Europe and further afield-most notably Ireland and Pakistan-has had a significant impact on the character of Scotland and the nature of Scottishness (see e.g. Audrey, 2000; Devine, 1999: 486-522). More recently, the growing number of 'hidden' migrants from England has begun to attract substantial academic attention (Bond, 2006; Bond and Rosie, 2006; Findlay et al, 2004; Hussain and Miller, 2006; McIntosh et al 2004; Watson, 2003) and the contemporary phenomenon of in-migration from the new EU 'accession' states such as Poland may even now be creating settled communities which will be the object of future comment and study. Yet equally significant, both to Scotland's economic and social trajectory and its very self-esteem as a nation, has been the enduring flow of people who have left the country to make new lives elsewhere. Castles and Miller's pertinent question, 'What does it mean for national identity if a country is forced to export its most valuable good-its people-for economic reasons?' (1998: x), is one which has at least a degree of significance for Scotland. Of course, it is important not to overstate the extent to which economic conditions have resulted in 'forced' outmigration from Scotland. It has for long been an industrialized, modern nation, hardly worthy of being characterized as economically 'backward' or even, as was once argued, an 'internal colony' (Hechter, 1975). It has been the economic opportunities offered by Scotland that have largely inspired the substantial flows of in-migration described above. Nevertheless, paralleling this story of economic opportunity and advance there has been an equally powerful countervailing tendency, a notion that Scotland was a country where 'getting out' was often a necessary requisite for 'getting on'. This unusual combination of factors has been labelled by Devine (1992) as 'the paradox of Scottish emigration'. Out-migration from Scotland has taken a number of principal forms. Sometimes it was owed to a combination of poverty and coercion (to a degree at least), as in the well-documented and still controversial Highland 'clearances' which took place in the 18 th and 19 th centuries. While the resultant migration was often contained within Scotland, for some leaving home did mean leaving the country altogether, often for North America (Devine, 2003: 119-140). Equally well-documented is the alacrity with which many Scots moved south to occupy the positions of influence made open to them by the union with England (Colley, 1992: 120-126), and the disproportionately large Scottish contribution to the overseas activities of the empire which grew out of that union (Colley, ibid.: 126-132; Devine, 2003). Then in the postimperial era many Scots continued to exploit colonial avenues of migration, most notably toward Canada, Aust...

The continued expansion and deepening of the European Union state raises important questions about whether there will be a corresponding development of pro-supranational feeling towards Europe. This paper is based on data drawn from a European Commission (EC) funded project on the ‘Orientations of Young Men and Women to Citizenship and European Identity’. The project includes comparative surveys of ‘representative samples’ of young men and women aged 18-24 and samples of this age group on educational routes that potentially orient them to Europe beyond their national boundaries. This comparison of samples is made in paired sites with contrasting cultural and socio-political histories in terms of European affiliations and support for the European Union. The sites are: Vienna and Vorarlberg in Austria; Chemnitz and Bielefeld in East and West Germany; Madrid and Bilbao in Spain; Prague and Bratislava, the capitals of the Czech and Slovak Republics; Manchester, England and Edinburgh, Scotland in the UK. This paper examines patterns of local, national and supranational identity in the British samples in comparison to the other European sites. The typical respondent from Edinburgh and Manchester have very different orientations to their nation-state but they share a lack of European identity and disinterest in European issues that was matched only by residents of Bilbao. International comparision further demonstrates that a general correlation between levels of identification with nation-state and Europe masks a range of orientations to nation, state and Europe nurtured by a variety of geo-political contexts.