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As the prevalence and negative effects of bullying become widely known, people around the world seem desperate to solve the bullying "problem". A sizeable body of research about many aspects of bullying and a plethora of anti-bullying programmes and policies now exist. This critical policy analysis asks: how does Ontario, Canada's bullying policy support and/or undermine critical democracy; and how does it reflect, support and further the interests of neoliberalism and/or neoconservatism? Findings indicate that the policy constructs the problem of bullying as a problem of individuals and a "behaviour for learning" problem. The policy also prescribes standardised responses to bullying incidents. We explore ways in which these constructions are undemocratic and unjust. The findings are particularly concerning because bullying policies are often viewed as innocuous by practitioners. This paper offers more than just critique by providing suggestions for how research and policies can become more just and equitable and how bullying policy may be enacted to support critical democracy.What can be done to stop bullying? As the widespread prevalence and negative effects of bullying on youth and society become widely known, researchers, teachers, parents and government officials around the world appear desperate to solve the bullying "problem". Their concern has given rise to a sizeable body of knowledge about characteristics, behaviours and effects of bullies, victims and bystanders; new laws and policies; and a plethora of anti-bullying programmes. Not aiming to minimise concerns about bullying on youth, the critical policy analysis (CPA) described in this article asks a different question: how does Ontario, Canada's current bullying policy support and/or undermine critical democracy? More specifically, it examines Ontario's approach to addressing bullying in schools to understand if and how it reflects, supports and furthers the interests of neoliberalism, neoconservatism and/or critical democracy.We begin by locating our study in the field of CPA. We then briefly review the contemporary global education policy context and highlight how neoliberalism and neoconservatism, as political rationalities (Brown 2006), have influenced education policy in Ontario and beyond. Next, we review how bullying is typically conceptualised in research and policy and discuss critiques of their dominant discourse around bullying. We then explain how we conducted a critical discourse analysis of key

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If you would like to write for this, or any other Emerald publication, then please use our Emerald for Authors service information about how to choose which publication to write for and submission guidelines are available for all. Please visit www.emeraldinsight.com/authors for more information. About Emerald www.emeraldinsight.comEmerald is a global publisher linking research and practice to the benefit of society. The company manages a portfolio of more than 290 journals and over 2,350 books and book series volumes, as well as providing an extensive range of online products and additional customer resources and services.Emerald is both COUNTER 4 and TRANSFER compliant. The organization is a partner of the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE) and also works with Portico and the LOCKSS initiative for digital archive preservation. AbstractPurpose -The aim of the paper is to argue that principal preparation programs should help candidates: recognize the political role of the school principal; develop political skills (including the ability to strategically appropriate policy); and understand that the political approach of the principal influences teaching, learning, relationships, governance, and reform efforts. In addition, the paper reports findings of the analysis of Ontario's Principal Qualification Program guidelines to determine if they require principal preparation programs to develop aspiring school leaders' political skills. Design/methodology/approach -The paper reviews theoretical arguments and empirical studies from the fields of school micropolitics, business, educational leadership, and critical policy studies to establish five political skills principals require. The authors then conducted a content analysis of Ontario's Principal Qualification Program guidelines to determine if they require principal preparation programs to develop aspiring leaders' political skills. Findings -Ontario's Principal Qualification Program guidelines do not explicitly direct principal preparation programs to help candidates develop political skills. However, the guidelines recognize that principals pursue political goals and work in political environments, and they offer opportunities for appropriating the guidelines in ways that promote the development of principal candidates' political skills. Originality/value -The paper is the first to analyze Ontario's Principal Qualification Program guidelines to determine if they require principal preparation programs to develop aspiring leaders' political skills. It also identifies policy appropriation as a political skill that should be developed in principal preparation programs and provides a model of how principal preparation policies themselves may be appropriated to support a focus on developing aspiring principals' political skills.