Tüm medya metinlerinde olduğu gibi reklamlar da toplumdaki normatif yapıları veya hegemonik söylemleri yineler ve/veya dönüştürür. Türkiye’de medya ve kadın çalışmalarında reklam çalışmalarına ilişkin literatür, çoğunlukla bu medya içeriklerinde Türkiye’deki ataerkil toplumsal yapıya paralel kadınlık rolleri ve kalıp yargılarının yeniden üretildiğini savunmaktadır. Bu açıdan reklamlar, toplumsal yapının birer türevi olarak konumlandırılmaktadır. Yeni nesil femvertising reklamlarının ise kadınları güçlendirme söylemini türeterek muhafazakâr kadınlık söylemini bozduğunu iddia eden çalışmalar da çoğunluktadır.Bu çalışmada, günümüz Türkiye’sindeki mevcut hegemonik kadınlık söyleminin reklamlarda yer alan anlatılar boyunca nasıl yeniden üretildiğini ve değiştirildiğini anlamak için iki televizyon reklamı Foucaultcu söylem analizi üzerinden incelenecektir. Bu makale, reklamlarda hegemonik kadınlık söylemlerinin çeşitli söylemsel stratejiler yoluyla yeniden kurulduğunu, geleneksel muhafazakâr kadınlık söyleminin bir yanıyla türetildiği bir yanıyla da postfeminist ve neoliberal söylemlerin kadınlık tanımlarıyla bozulduğunu göstermektedir. Böylece günümüz Türkiye’sindeki hegemonik kadınlık geleneksel ataerkil yapıyı tekrar eder şekilde türetilmezken, yeni söylemsel kodları da içerecek şekilde değişmektedir.Bu reklamlar yoluyla sunulan kadınlık tahayyülü, bir yandan markaların satış stratejilerine hizmet ederken bir yandan da üst sınıf kadınların kadınlığını onaylamakta ve hegemonik kadınlık söyleminin merkezine taşımakta, muhafazakâr söylemin merkezindeki dar gelirli alt sınıf kadınların kadınlıklarını ise hegemonik söylemsel formasyonun çeperine itmektedir. Böylece Türkiye’de makbul kadınlığın tanımını sunan bu reklamlarda hegemonik kadınlık söylemi, üst sınıf genç kadınlar lehine ve onların tükettiği markaları destekler şekilde genişlemektedir.

News is one of the most significant means that provides information to the public regarding the events that may affect them in modern societies. Especially in situations such as climate change, where its effects are felt globally and each individual must comply with the recommended measures, the news broadcast is of importance. The news based on the right sources and edited by expert journalists will contribute to the development of responsibility in this vital issue that will determine the future of the world. While preparing the news on this subject, many different actors such as scientists, artists and campaigns created by governmental institutions or civil initiatives, as well as journalists, determine how the climate crisis is expressed in the daily discourses. Therefore, the discourse constructed by the news frames also shapes the perceptions of the masses about the climate crisis. The framing of climate crisis news in terms of problems, solutions and levels of responsibility is of great importance both for the determination of individual and social reactions and for the realization of social responsibility and action. In this context, this study aims at understanding the content and production style of climate crisis journalism in Turkey in terms of the messages conveyed. The research focuses on mass media, which widely broadcast for the general audience in Turkey, and the news on the climate crisis in the online news sites will be analyzed in the context of news framing theory. Due to the fact that the online news is open to interaction and can be easily accessed by a wide range of audience, the news samples to be analyzed were determined by scanning online news sites.

The issue of how cinema should be, the influence of which on the society was indisputable for the intellectuals, became an important subject during especially 1960s in Turkey. During these years, the discourse of Islamism once again made an appearance in Turkish politics and thought in the form of a nationalist religious discourse. This study will examine the reproduction process of Islamist discourse on cinema and analyze the composition of Islamist film criticism. Even though the discourse of film criticism expressed as “arming up with the weapon of the enemy” seemed to come forward with its rejectionist attitude, it actually reflected an attitude toward harmony beyond measure. Redescribing cinema as an area dominated by symbolic violence caused the amorphization and reactiveness of cinema products. On the other hand, a second direction that opened a door for the imitation of the cinematic movements and products considered as rivals brought along the state of being bereft of identity despite its heavy emphasis on identity. The idea of “arming up with the weapon of the enemy” showed a continuity in the perception of cinema as a propagandist and political instrument. It became functional as a discourse activated by Islamists before they entered into the fields such as cinema production and film criticism, fields that were new to them. This understanding is based on a modernization-oriented approach that envisages a rupture with the tradition and distinguishing oneself from the existing cultural accumulation. It produces the content of this understanding by translating the dominant thoughts in the area on which it would like to exert its dominance into religious terminology. In that regard, it is a product of a mimetic cultural stance.

Since the Tanzimat edict the Ottoman state started to adopt a liberal governmental rationality similar to the Western states. According to Foucault, government refers to “the conduct of conduct” and governmentality is state’s use of modern and rational governmental techniques for conducting the acts of individuals and populations. At the turn of the century, the Ottoman state, which had increased its administrative modernization and centralization, became responsible for public security and order. The state apparatus provided this public order by reproducing the traditional morality of the neighborhood in the state discourse of governmentality. In other words, the moral discourse of the neighborhood was juxtaposed with the citizen-based liberal administrative discourse that responded to public safety, public health and the lower demands of the citizens. Presenting the genealogy of moral discourse in the late Ottoman society, this study shows that the moral regime in the premodern Ottoman neighborhood is combined with the modern administrative discourse focused on “good governance” that serves the safety and well-being of society and citizens (i.e., populations and the individuals in them, respectively).