AbstrakImpor beras di Indonesia didukung oleh ketentuan perundang-undangandengan alasan untuk menjaga ketahanan pangan dan kedaulatan pangan. Namun pada kenyataannya, impor beras mengakibatkan kedaulatan pangan menjadi menurun secara bertahap and petani menjadi miskin. Tulisan ini merupakan studi kritis terhadap peraturan perundang-undangan Indonesiamengenai impor beras. Peraturan perundang-undangan tidak mendukung Indonesia menjadi negara sejahtera tapi menjadi pemicu bagi kemiskinan bagi petani, sebagai mayoritas penduduk Indonesia. Maka peraturan perundang-undangan mengenai impor beras bertentangan dengan UUD Indonesia dan Pancasila.

On the one hand, independent campuses gave birth to new learning concepts and strengthened cooperation networks with parties outside the university. But on the other hand, the separate campus faces various obstacles in its implementation. This paper aims to explain the implementation of Merdeka Belajar-Kampus Merdeka (MBKM) at Medan State University and Syiah Kuala University Banda Aceh. This research is a type of field research—data collection through observation, interviews, and documentation. Data analysis is carried out descriptively by triangulation. The results showed that Medan State University and Syiah Kuala University Banda Aceh applied the same pattern: the learning block model outside higher education, the non-block learning model outside higher education, and the acceleration model. Meanwhile, the obstacle faced by these two universities is the readiness factor.

Controversy regarding female genital mutilation based on arguments occurred from various circles, both scholars, health experts and academics. Indonesia did not escape the debate. The Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) and the two largest Islamic Community Organizations (Ormas) in Indonesia issued different fatwas. MUI has a sunnah fatwa, the Batsul Masa'il Institute of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) has a sunnah and obligatory fatwa, and the Muhammadiyah Tarjih Institute condemns it as haram. In the midst of the heat of this feud, Musdah Mulia, a progressive Muslim feminist, came up with her thoughts on banning female genital mutilation. The focus of this research is Musdah Mulia's thoughts on female genital mutilation. This study aims to determine the characteristics and legal arguments of Musdah Mulia's thoughts on female genital mutilation. This study uses qualitative methods, while in collecting data the author used primary data in the form of interviews and secondary data from literature review in the form of books, articles and publications of scientific papers related to research. As for the analysis, the author used descriptive analysis method, which is a way of writing that prioritizes observations of actual symptoms, events and conditions in the present and then concludes things that are considered important and relevant. The results of the research show that Musdah Mulia's thoughts on female genital mutilation based on the arguments in the Al-Qur'an and Hadits. Musdah also emphasized aspects of benefit, basic medical and human rights. Practicing female circumcision is tantamount to doing things that are dangerous to women. Therefore, based on the above considerations, Musdah Mulia said the appropriate rule of law is la ḍarara wa la ḍirar, the meaning of which is to stay away from something dangerous is prioritized. Abstrak Kontroversi mengenai sunat perempuan dengan dilandaskan argumentasi-argumentasi terjadi dari berbagai kalangan, baik ulama, ahli kesehatan maupun akademisi. Indonesia tidak luput dari perdebatan tersebut. Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) dan juga dua Organisasi Kemasyarakatan (Ormas) Islam terbesar di Indonesia mengeluarkan fatwa yang berbeda. MUI berfatwa sunnah, Lembaga Batsul Masa’il dari Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) berfatwa sunnah dan wajib, dan Lembaga Tarjih Muhammadiyah menghukumi haram. Di tengah hangatnya perseteruan ini, Musdah Mulia, seorang feminis muslim progresif, muncul dengan pemikirannya yang melarang sunat perempuan. Fokus dari penelitian ini adalah pemikiran Musdah Mulia tentang sunat perempuan. Penelitian ini memiliki tujuan untuk mengetahui karakteristik dan juga argumentasi hukum pemikiran Musdah Mulia tentang sunat perempuan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, dalam mengumpulkan data penulis menggunakan data primer berupa wawancara dan data sekunder kajian kepustakaan berupa buku, artikel dan publikasi karya ilmiah. Analisis yang penulis gunakan metode deskriptif analisis, yaitu cara penulisan yang mengutamakan pengamatan terhadap gejala, peristiwa dan kondisi aktual pada masa kini kemudian menyimpulkan hal-hal yang dianggap penting dan relevan. Hasil dari penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pemikiran Musdah Mulia tentang sunat perempuan didasarkan oleh dalil-dalil dalam Al-Qur’an dan Hadis. Musdah juga menekankan aspek kemaslahatan, dasar medis dan hak asasi manusia. Dengan melakukan praktik sunat perempuan berarti sama saja dengan melakukan hal yang berbahaya kepada perempuan. Oleh karenanya, berdasarkan pertimbangan-pertimbangan di atas, Musdah Mulia mengatakan kaidah hukum yang tepat adalah la ḍarara wa la ḍirar, maksudnya adalah menjauhi sesuatu yang membahayakan diutamakan.

This paper highlights that Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Indonesia’s largest Muslim organizations,contributes its basic principles to food sovereigntyover the country. One of the national contributions is demonstrated throughthe fatwa No. 005/MNU-33/VIII/2015 in Bahtsul Masa’il ad-Diniyyah al-Waqi’iyyah point VII on Land Use Conversion Lawissued when holding the 33rd NU national congress (muktamar) in Jombang, East Java.The fatwa issuance denotes an alternative to enhance Indonesia’s food sovereignty. This present study aims to investigate the Islamic edict concerning land use conversion law in the perspective of maslahah (public interests/benefits). A qualitative approach was employed in this library research. The fatwa No. 005/MNU-33/VIII/2015 in Bahtsul Masa’il ad-Diniyyah al-Waqi’iyyah point VII on Land Use Conversion Law was used as the primary data. The study applies the theory of maslahah to analyze the data. The finding promotes that the law argument over the haram aspect of the land use conversion in the fatwa indicates the existence of maslahah and the prevention of darar (harm conditions) due to the land conversion.

The discourse of mass organization dismissal of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) by the government through the Government Regulation in Lieu of Law No. 2/2017 (Perppu), that now has been officially being the mass organization regulation, causes pro and contra.This article analyses the substance of the differencies of HTI, NU, and Muhammadiyah opinion about violant attack (makar) and Perppu as its rule to protect it. It also analyses the rationale and reason of their opinion. This article finds two points: First, HTI noted that their activities were not a violant attack but the religious proselytizing (dakwah) so that the dimissal act through Perppu, according to them, was not appropriate. Meanwhile, NU said that HTI activities were a violant attack and they supported itsdismissal through Perppu. Whereas Muhammadiyah argued that the contradiction toward national idology is a violant attack but it dimissal has to be constitutional. Second, based on the social dialectic theory, this article notes that the differencies of these mass organization opinion were influenced by their different conception on nation that internalized when they looked at the problem of violant attack and Perppu. According to the political identity theory, each mass organization brings religious knowledge identity that fitted together, especially concerning Perppu.   Diskursus terkait penonaktifan organisasi massa (ormas) Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) oleh pemerintah melalui Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-Undang No. 2 tahun 2017 (Perppu Ormas), yang kemudian disahkan menjadi UU Ormas, memunculkan pro-kontra. Artikel ini mengkaji bagaimana substansi perbedaan pandangan HTI, Nahdhatul Ulama (NU), dan Muhammadiyah (MU) tentang makar dan Perppu sebagai payung hukum pencegahannya. Lantas, apa sebenarnya yang melandasi perbedaan pandangan tersebut. Kajian ini menemukan beberapa hal. Pertama, HTI berpandangan bahwa aktivitas mereka bukan makar melainkan aktivitas dakwah sehingga pembubarannya melalui Perppu dinilai tidak beralasan. Sementara NU memandang aktivitas HTI adalah makar dan mendukung pembubarannya melalui Perppu. Adapun Muhammadiyah berpandangan bahwa yang bertentangan dengan ideologi negara adalah makar, tapi pencegahannya harus secara konstitusional. Kedua, merujuk pada teori dialektika sosial, perbedaan sikap masing-masing ormas dipengaruhi oleh pandangan mereka tentang konsepsi negara yang terinternalisasi dalam menyikapi persoalan makar dan pencegahannya melalui Perppu. Sementara berdasarkan teori politik identitas, masing-masing ormas mengusung identitas pemahaman keagamaan yang saling beririsan terkait Perppu.