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The postscripts of smart cities have been written before its prelude. Inserting smart technologies in infrastructure to improve urban environments, smart cities emphasize data-driven approaches and evidence-based planning. While it asks for production of new vocabularies, new ways of thinking, and proposes new methodologies, smart cities have trivialized baseline surveys. The insignificance to baseline survey hides the existing and functioning cities and leads to appropriation of “smart in the box” technologies. The omission of baseline survey fails to revamp planning and governance techniques as well as management and delivery of urban services. India’s Smart City Mission runs through a similar fate. Despite changes in vision and approach towards urban improvement, Smart City Mission suffers from methodological apathy and produces fractured smart cities. In doing so, the paper explores how the idea of normative smart city shrouds urban complexities and heterogeneities and proposes solutions without comprehending the functional and existing cities. Drawing on cases of urban water and solid waste management in Smart City Dharamshala, this paper discusses how fissures in normative and functional smart cities are continually produced through broken, incomplete, and erroneous data that, ultimately, fails in creating robust and resilient cities.

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South Asian countries have a lot of commonalities exhibited through socio-political and economic situations. The cultural as well as political dynamics within the countries form more or less a similar pattern. These are closely related to colonial pasts, post-colonial histories, polyethnic population, political leadership and governance. These commonalities are also related to political instability, ethnic violence and a greater role of religion in the formation of secular democracies. Scholars have observed that in the post-colonial period, religion has played an important role in political formations in South Asian countries. This article looks at political situations, since the early 1950s, and traces the trajectory of religions’ association in formation of secular democracies in these countries. The article looks at available literature on South Asia and discusses two key ideas: how and why religion and politics are intertwined in South Asian countries, and ramifications of such association in the expansion of secular democracy. The article argues that religion has always been a potent force in South Asian countries and secularisation, in the Western sense, has never been achieved. Therefore, formations of secular democracy take different trajectories in South Asia.

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