Lexical gaps in vocabulary development have been acknowledged as a reason for language mixing in young bilingual children. In spite of this, most studies do not take into account whether young bilinguals have the lexical resources to make a choice between their two languages. Inferences are nevertheless still being made about whether or not young bilinguals differentiate between their two languages based on language choice. It is widely believed, however, that young bilinguals do not have the resources to make lexical choices at a pre-syntactic stage of development before age two. A bilingual case study of an infant acquiring Spanish and English from birth to age 1;10 is used to address this issue. Daily diary records and weekly video recordings in the two language contexts are used to construct the child's lexicon and to establish that translation equivalents that make possible language choice are available from the beginning of speech. The results are used to discuss the importance of translation equivalents in the bilingual lexicon for viable interpretations of language choice.

Family dinner conversations can serve as a medium for the mutual involvement of children and parents in language socialization. In this study, early pragmatic development in a trilingual child is addressed from the perspective of the language dynamics of a multilingual family. How young children learn to adjust their speech to their interlocutors can be seen clearly in the language choices and the mixing patterns of the trilingual two-year-old. The child selected language(s) not only from the language(s) spoken to her but also with attention to her interlocutor's linguistic proficiencies and the language context in which she found herself along a monolingual to trilingual continuum. She shifted languages in family dinner conversations according to the norms established in the home.

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In this case study we investigate how early a developing bilingual exposed simultaneously to English and Spanish can make appropriate language choices. We propose two methodological requirements for studies of this kind: (1) detailed records of the development of the child's lexicon; and (2) data collection in more than one language context. Our own study relies on detailed records of the child's cumulative vocabulary from the first word at ten months, and on weekly audiovideo recordings in both English and Spanish contexts from age 1;3. Analysis of the data shows a strong tendency for the language of the child's utterances to match that of the context at ages 1;7–1;8.

This paper identifies two versions of the question as to whether there is a single initial system in the syntax of developing bilinguals. Version 1 asks whether there are early mixed utterances, and if so, attributes this to a single initial system. Version 2 asks whether the utterances containing words from one of the child's languages exhibit the same syntax as the utterances containing words from the child's other language. We argue with reference to our own data (from an English-Spanish bilingual from ages 1;7 to 1;9) that Version 1 is not tenable because of the paucity of lexical resources when the child begins to produce two-word utterances. However, we argue that the early two-word utterances in our data do seem to exhibit a single rudimentary syntax, based on a predicate-argument structure found in all utterance types, mixed and non-mixed. We then argue in relation to Version 2 of the question, that it can only be answered once the child's utterances can be identified as language-specific in the two languages, and that this is not possible before the emergence of morphological marking. This is illustrated by an analysis of our data from ages 1;8 to 2;3. We argue that language-specific morphology allows us to identify the language of the utterances in our data and to see evidence for the appearance of two differentiated morphosyntactic systems.