Recent investigations at the site of Xuenkal on the plains north of Chichén Itzá provide evidence of the changing regional political environment during the Terminal Classic Period (A.D. 900–1000). This paper examines a collection of spindle whorls recovered during the 2005, 2006, and 2007 field seasons of the Proyecto Arqueológico Xuenkal (PAX) as evidence for intensification of craft production. Through this analysis and comparison with spindle whorl collections from other Lowland Maya sites, we suggest the inhabitants of Xuenkal rapidly adapted to changing economic demands by increasing the amount of cloth produced in their residential settings, perhaps in response to increased tribute demands that emanated from the dominant political power of the region. Spinning and weaving is associated with the female gender during the Classic Period in Mesoamerica. Thus, intensification of this gendered activity not only produced excess materials for the state, but also reinforced its gender ideology. Analysis of these artifacts adds to the knowledge of Maya cloth production and addresses the nature of Chichén Itzá's influence on regional sites during the height of its influence in the Terminal Classic period.

While the recent application of the house model to archaeology (Joyce and Gillespie 2000 Beyond Kinship: Social and Material Reproduction in House Societies. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia) has renewed interest in the nature of Classic Maya social organization, the relationships between Classic Maya social units and Classic Maya polities remain poorly understood. This article examines the effects of the Classic Maya collapse of Copan, Honduras on its constituent social units in an effort to ascertain the flexibility and resilience of these groups within larger political structures. Previous researchers suggested that Copan's collapse was limited largely to the ruling elite. However, the Copan Postclassic Archaeological Project has documented a distinct, possibly foreign occupation in the site center from a.d. 950 to 1100. These data suggest that the longevity of all Classic Copaneco social groups in the wake of dynastic collapse was significantly shorter than some have postulated. These data demonstrate that Classic Maya social units were not semiautonomous groups but, instead, were integrated within polities. Thus, they must be understood within larger political frameworks.

This study evaluates the importance of rejolladas to the Ancient Maya in and around the Classic Maya center of Xuenkal, Yucatán State, Mexico. Rejolladas are collapse sinkholes with bases above the local water table. We present a spatial and physical analysis of 186 rejolladas in a 10 × 10 km area centered on Xuenkal. Basal diameters range from ∼22 to 264 m, areas range from 0.04 to 5.48 ha, and depths range from 4 to 12 m. Spatial density ranges from 0 to 8 rejolladas/km 2 with higher densities coinciding with known Ancient Maya settlements. Within Xuenkal, residential groups tend to be organized around and focused on the rejolladas. Some rejolladas have modified slopes that may be remnants of terraces or entry paths. High-resolution satellite imagery analysis demonstrates that rejolladas have denser and healthier vegetation than the surrounding landscape especially in the dry season. Microclimate data demonstrate that the bottom of rejolladas has less extreme diurnal temperature ranges, lower daytime highs, higher atmospheric moisture, and significantly higher and more stable soil moisture. Based on the archaeology at Xuenkal, it appears that the Ancient Maya recognized and actively exploited these environmental microniches for intensive cultivation both locally and regionally. C 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. INTRODUCTIONThe relatively flat limestone-dominated Northern Lowlands of the Yucatán Peninsula, Mexico (Figure 1) are no more than 40 m above sea level (asl), and contain thousands of sinkholes that puncture the terrain. The sinkholes are typically round in shape, have moderate to steep sides (Weidie, 1985; Gonzalez de la Mata, 2006;Houck, 2006;Munro-Stasiuk & Manahan, 2010), and are the product of surface collapses, subsurface solution, or a combination thereof (López, 2008). They often allow access to groundwater, which may or may not be exposed in the base of the sinkholes, making them particularly desirable places for the modern Maya to directly access water, dig wells, and plant fruit crops. Contemporary classification of the sinkholes is based on indigenous typological distinctions related to proximity to the water table (Houck, 2006) and there are three main types (Figure 2). The best-known sinkholes are cenotes (derived from the Yucatec Maya name dzonot) (Hall, 1936), which have bases well below the water table sometimes resulting in extraordinarily deep water (Beddows, 2004). An intermediate type is dzadzob (singular dzadz; also known as aguadas or nauahuelas), which touch the water table but do not significantly penetrate it. Finally, rejolladas (also known as ko'op in Yucatec Maya), and the focus of this study, are surface collapses that do not reach the water table and remain dry throughout the year (Figure 3).All sinkhole types had economic, environmental, and sometimes ideological importance to the Ancient Maya. Cenotes that represent the only major access to water in the region were the most revered, and were considered as sacred portals that allowed communication with rain and fertility deit...

Archaeological research within the Classic Maya center of Copan and in its surrounding rural regions has generated new data relating to the periods both preceding and following the center’s Classic period dynasty. Recent excavations at both Late Preclassic and Early Postclassic settlements have revealed more similarities between the inhabitants of these two “non-Classic” time periods than to the inhabitants of the intervening and better known Classic period. We explore this striking set of similarities in terms of settlement pattern, spatial organization, architecture, material culture, and ritual deposits and spaces. We suggest that the similarities between the Copan region’s Late Preclassic and Early Postclassic populations and their mutual differences with intervening Classic period peoples reflecta cultural connection between these two populations.

While changing views of the sociopolitical history of the northern Maya lowlands now recognize that Chichen Itza's emergence as a major polity on an unprecedented scale occurred during the Terminal Classic period, rather than the Early Postclassic period, the ramifications of significant chronological overlap between Chichen Itza's rise and the demise of neighboring polities have been largely unexplored. The ancient Maya center of Xuenkal, located in the Cupul region about 45 km northeast of Chichen Itza, is one of the few known interior sites to contain substantial (and discrete) Cehpech and Sotuta occupations. The Proyecto Arqueológico Xuenkal (PAX) was initiated in 2004 to elucidate Chichen Itza's role in the history of the Cupul region and what role local Xuenkal elites may have played in negotiating regional political dynamics. As with many surrounding centers, it appears that Xuenkal's occupational history reached its zenith with the Late Classic–Terminal Classic Cehpech ceramic sphere. However, unlike neighboring sites associated with Cehpech, such as Ek' Balam or Yaxuna, Xuenkal also contained a substantial Sotuta settlement concentrated within the site core during the Terminal Classic period. These populations adapted into an evolving regional economy by dramatically increasing household production as compared to Late Classic groups. While Sotuta households were tightly integrated into Chichen Itza's regional economy, evidence for their direct state control is not readily apparent. We suggest that the relationship between Chichen Itza and regional communities was more dynamic than current models contend, and that Chichen Itza's political machinations across the peninsula must be considered in local contexts that varied across households, communities, and regions.