The article is devoted to the modern civic movements in sub-Saharan Africa that in recent years have experienced the third wave of their activation, which coincided with the beginning of the Arab spring of 2011 (after the struggle for independence in the 1950-1970s and the establishment of the state democratic institutions in 1990s). The peculiarity of these movements is the large-scale street mobilization, the main driving force of which is urban youth, more exposed to mass unemployment than other age groups, while rural population is relatively inert. Street mobilizations are led by activists from the educated middle class, users of social networks, closely connected with each other in real time. Their leaders have sufficient knowledge in all areas of life in Africa and abroad. This gives them an understanding of the global disparities be-tween African and developed countries in economic development, medicine, education, as well as in living standards and life expectancy. The purpose of mobilization movements is to demonstrate resentment towards the ruling circles' policies that are not aimed at improving people's lives and do not adhere to the principle of democratic rotation: rejuvenation of political elites and training alternative leaders. Protest movements are active in countries lacking public consensus, especially before and during presidential election campaigns. At the same time, the article draws attention to the fact that, being predominantly political in nature, civic protest movements in this macrozone are becoming an important part of the political process and even result in changes of leadership (Senegal and Burkina Faso). Being inherently anti-system, they are organizationally unrelated with Journal of Globalization Studies 2019 • November 78 opposition parties, unions and their leaders. These movements are usually financed by Western foundations and international non-governmental organizations. The article shows the development dynamics of these protest movements and the role they may assume in transforming the political space of those countries where protest activities are particularly pronounced. In this regard, it is equally important to analyze how civic protest movements are treated by acting governments that try to neutralize them through increased political control. Already the trend to restrict freedom of press and media is getting increasingly visible, with the authorities hampering the use of Internet and overusing police force. One cannot exclude that these 'anti-system' movements will eventually transform into political parties, with their leaders turning into political actors.

The study focuses on the civic protest movements (CPMs) in sub-Saharan Africa and analyzes three stages of their development, from the national liberation struggle of the 1950-1970s to establishment of national democratic institutions in the 1990s, to the 'third wave' of the activization coinciding with the beginning of the Arab Spring in 2011. Every period was characterized by different mobilization forms. Modern CPMs are driven mainly by urban youth who suffer from mass unemployment more than other age groups, while rural population remains relatively inert. Street mobilizations are led not by political figures or trade unionists (as it used to be during the period of anticolonial struggle), but by activists -representatives of the educated middle class and social network users who constantly keep in touch via Internet. They are fairly well-informed in all fields of life both in Africa and abroad, which gives them understanding of global inequality between African countries and advanced ones in terms of development of economy, medicine, education, as well as quality of living and life expectancy. Mobilization movements intend to demonstrate resentment towards the ruling circles' policies that are not aimed at improving people's lives and do not adhere to the principle of democratic rotation: rejuvenation of political elites and training alternative

The primary focus of this study is on the population of the Arab Republic of Egypt. What is the reason for such a significant population growth rate in Egypt, does it affect the overall socio-political situation in the country and what should be the current government policy in this direction – these are the questions that the author of this study is looking for an answer to. Using statistical methods based on the principles of the statistical observation, collection and description, while relying on official data from Egyptian sources, as well as on Russian and world experience in the development of demographic science, the author of the article analyzes the demographic indicators of the Arab Republic of Egypt not only in a long retrospective, but also over the span of the last few years, which gives grounds to characterize the current domestic policy of the Egyptian government as socially oriented and constructive in the demographic sense, and also makes it possible to predict further positive dynamics of demographic processes in the country and region.

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The research focuses on Sudan and South Sudan, where great changes in socio-political life are taking place. Following different historical researches and monitoring various modern information sources, the author provides insight into problems faced by the peoples that inhabit this region (which is remote from the rest of the world’s civilization) from colonial times to the present day. The author analyzes the nature and dynamics of the transformation of transitional forms of governance and power relations in these countries, identifies the reasons that affect the internal politics of the states. The author characterizes the current internal political situation in the region as post-traumatic, and the condition of the government – as serious but stable, but expresses the hope that, thanks to the experience gained in the change of power in these countries, a resuscitation of peaceful socio-economic processes can occur, as well as a slow, but all the same an evolution of the authorities.