The purpose of this article is to explore whether gender-blind sexism, as an extension of Bonilla-Silva's racialized social system theory, is an appropriate theoretical framework for understanding the creation and continued prevalence of rape myth acceptance. Specifically, we hypothesize that individuals who hold attitudes consistent with the frames of gender-blind sexism are more likely to accept common rape myths. Data for this article come from an online survey administered to the entire undergraduate student body at a large Midwestern institution (N = 1,401). Regression analysis showed strong support for the effects of gender-blind sexism on rape myth acceptance.

We explore the paths related to college men's involvement in all-male antirape prevention groups using in-depth interviews conducted with twenty-five male college students who are active members of such groups from eleven campuses located on the East Coast of the United States. Major themes deriving from analysis of the interviews were all related to the engagement of the participants with the programs on four different levels. These themes, which are developmentally related, are (1) a disclosure which makes sexual assault a personal issue at the same time that it reveals a lack of knowledge and skills on the part of the respondents, (2) the evaluation of the approach of individual programs, (3) the evaluation of the relative effectiveness of the approacher, and (4) the creation of a social context which the engagement facilitates. Overall, we find that when the men in our study were approached in a nonconfrontational, alliance-building fashion by other men, they reported that their knowledge related to sexual assault, their empathy toward sexual assault survivors, and their motivation to actively engage in the prevention of sexual violence all increased. Thus, we see evidence of a pathway to behavioral change represented by the recruitment and participation of men to these programs.

This study uses a diverse sample that is nationally representative with regards to race and gender ( N = 2,000) in an attempt to replicate and confirm Stoll, Lilley, and Pinter’s previous finding that gender-blind sexism is correlated with rape myth acceptance. As in the original study, we hypothesized that higher scores on the Gender-Blind Sexism Inventory (GBSI) would be predictive of higher scores on Stoll et al.’s Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMA). Gender-blind sexism builds on previous models of contemporary sexism such as hostile and benevolent sexism, modern sexism, and neosexism. It also represents an extension of racialized social system theory that explores the ways contemporary sexism operates in an era of post-racial and post-gender politics via four frames: abstract liberalism, naturalization, cultural sexism, and minimization of sexism. Unlike in the original study, however, our sample also allowed us to control for scores on the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI), the Modern Sexism Scale (MS), and the Neosexism Scale (NS) in testing this relationship. Our analysis confirmed the hypothesis that gender-blind sexism is predictive of higher rape myth acceptance among participants. Moreover, this study indicates that the GBSI offers additional value over the ASI, MS, and NS, as it was the only index of sexism tested that revealed gender-group differences within its relationship to RMA. Compared to men, women’s acceptance of rape myths was more responsive to shifts in the GBSI. We discuss the implications of our findings in terms of rape and sexual assault prevention and policy. We also provide some suggestions for how the GBSI could be used in future studies.

The policing occupation, a bastion of hegemonic masculinity, is well known for its historical resistance to “difference,” whether among its own members or in society at large. Nowhere does this clash manifest as strongly as when LGBQ police officers join the force. LGBQ individuals have made great strides in breaking down some beliefs of the traditional and rigid police occupational culture. Still, more progress remains to be made toward dismantling the barriers of heterosexism and sexism that often permeate policing. This article explores the history of these barriers, the progress made, and the structural and individual level obstacles that remain. Policy recommendations and suggestions for future research are also made.

No abstract