This paper focuses on four examples of Zagreb urban gardening communities: their actors, their structures, and the aims of the established gardens. The article begins by introducing the practice and perception of the illegal ("wild") gardens that have existed in Zagreb on vacant and derelict plots for decades. A discussion of the changing contexts of urban gardening within the last few years follows. Further ethnographic examples of new, alternative, and hybrid gardens indicate the variety of organizational methods and actors involved, types of communality and solidarity, and the negotiation and debate regarding discursive, structural, and governance issues. The analysis aims to examine the heterogeneity of gardening communities in Zagreb and to illuminate the dynamics (changes and modifi cations) of various relationships that are constituent to the phenomenon. The article concludes by considering the politics of space, particularly the transformation of urban public spaces, and the potential of gardening initiatives in the sphere of contemporary urban governance strategies.

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This paper discusses the elements of socialist and post-socialist (un)employment and informal economy. A growing economic crisis and a reduced participation in the formal labor market in the newly-formed Croatian state in the early 1990s brought about an increase in unemployment and gave rise to informal economy. However, informal economy had been widespread even before, in the late socialist period in the former Yugoslavia, which was the so-called "golden age" of formal employment. Being formally employed generally did not discourage people from additionally engaging in informal economy.This paper offers an analysis of the cultural and social logic behind informal practices, based on a qualitative research that was conducted in an urban settlement in the periphery of Zagreb among former full-time industrial workers, who are officially unemployed today, and who have been active in the underground economy up to the present day.

is article delves into Bosnia-Herzegovina, and especially into the town of Bihać, to ethnographically examine the changing nature of the state and family, as visible through practices of elder care. I use my ethnographic data gathered at a nursing home Vitalis in Bihać, and especially the predicament of an elderly Bosnian woman whom I call Zemka, to argue that both the state and family in postwar and postsocialist Bosnia-Herzegovina materialize as semi-absent. In the process of unpacking these multiple semi-absences, I reveal the lived e ects of changing postwar and postsocialist state, and altering kinship relations as they a ect "ordinary" people.Keywords: care, aging, the state, family, semi-absence, socialism and postsocialism, war and postwar e "crisis of care" (Phillips and Benner 1995), and especially care for the elderly, is emerging as a momentous topic in anthropology, sociology, gerontology and other academic disciplines, as well as in the world of policy-making. Numerous studies point at di erent domains of this "crisis", including the socio-economic impact of the longer life span in more privileged parts of the world; shrinking of states' social and health services; and novel con gurations of family relationships that challenge traditional expectations of caregiving in diverse sociocultural contexts (see United Nations 2002).In this article, I delve into the Balkans, and especially Bosnia-Herzegovina, to examine the e ects of these shi ing topographies and modalities of care on "ordinary" 1 lives. It is within the Balkans, I argue, that the anxiety around "the aging predicament", and the altering roles of family and state in providing care for the elderly are especially evident and exacerbated by the converging postsocialist (1989 to present) and postwar (1995 to present) transformations (see also Havelka 2003).is domain of social transformation is le unexamined by the majority of scholars of the region. Campbell 1999;Coles 2007;Fassin and Pandol 2010;Hayden 1996; Hromadžić 2015;Jansen 2005;Kurtović 2011;Sorabji 1995; Veredery 1994;. e concerns of "ordinary people", however, re ect many other domains of struggle, which powerfully and complexly shape the lives of people and yet, they stay either invisible or marginalized in the majority of (ethno)nationalism-focused studies (for an 1 I use "ordinary people" with much caution in this work. As Veena Das (2007) has pointed out, "everyday" is where much deeply political work happens.2 is "omission" is closely related to the ways in which what counts as (useful) knowledge (about the Balkans in this case) is being produced, and to the distribution of research grants and fellowships.

J. Čapo Žmegač upozorava da i «zato što su etnolozi tragali samo za velikim kućanstvima, nastao je manjak, gotovo (...) apsolutni nedostatak za sva hrvatska područja opisa života malih obitelji, a u jadranskoj zoni obitelji općenito.» (Ibid.