A number of recent studies examining the accession of states from Central and Eastern Europe into the European Union have provided a much more sophisticated understanding of when, why and how the EU shaped, directed and occasionally determined change in the region since 1989. Although acknowledging the EU was at times a motor of change, its power was limited to particular points in the accession process and varied significantly across policy areas. Even in cases such as Slovakia, often used to demonstrate the power of EU conditionality, the influence of the EU on domestic actors and policy change has been exaggerated. The EU's ‘transformative power’ is at its greatest when deciding to open accession negotiations, a finding which has implications for the EU's ability to enact change in Croatia and Turkey.

Shifting our understanding of populism from a question of core identity to a description of party appeals allows for a neutralization of the term's negative connotations by allowing that all parties may use populist appeals to some extent. It is then possible to address a party's use of populist appeals by measuring its distinctly nonpopulist appeals, which are usually less bound up with normative judgments. Although the preliminary analysis of Slovakia shows a relatively close empirical fit among the theoretical elements in the existing literature, two categories of populist appeals are identified: the outward‐looking appeals that vary strongly with a party's relationship to power, and inward‐looking appeals that remain more stable over time. Use of these by politicians may offer clues to the origination, attractiveness, and longevity of populist and nonpopulist appeals. Cambiar nuestro entendimiento del populismo desde la cuestión de identidad a una que se enfoca en los llamados partidistas nos permite neutralizar la connotación negativa del término populismo puesto que nos lleva a reconocer que todos los partidos recurren a los llamados populistas en una medida u otra. Es entonces posible establecer el uso de los atractivos del populismo por parte del partido al medir sus atractivos no‐populistas, los cuales usualmente están menos vinculados con opiniones normativas. Aunque el análisis preliminar de Eslovaquia demuestra un ajuste empírico perfecto relativamente cerrado entre los elementos teóricos en la literatura existente, dos categorías de las características populistas son identificadas: los atractivos observados en el exterior que varían fuertemente con la relación del partido con el poder y los atractivos observados en el interior que permanecen mucho más estables a través del tiempo. El uso de éstos por los políticos puede ofrecer claves para el origen, atractivo, y longevidad de los atractivos populistas y no‐populistas.

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