For the last 50 years the site of Star Carr has retained a role of considerable importance within Mesolithic studies. Recent archaeological and palaeoenvironmental survey of the Vale of Pickering (Schadla-Hall 1987; 1988; 1989; Lane & Schadla-Hall forthcoming) permits an understanding of the regional context of Star Carr and indicates the site itself now needs to be re-evaluated. This paper will focus on the lithic evidence recovered during the recent excavations and field survey in order to explore the nature of peoples' engagement with the landscape of the Vale of Pickering during the Early Mesolithic.
This issue of the European Journal of Archaeology is aimed at examining matters of public archaeology and in so doing begs the questions-'what is public archaeology and how should it be defined?'. I hope the papers in this issue layout at least some of the scope of the definition, but undoubtedly there will be those who will wish to question whether the term should be used at all. I was recently asked to define public archaeology (on the grounds that I was giving a postgraduate course on the subject 1) and my reply to the effect that it was concerned with any area of archaeological activity that interacted or had the potential to interact with the public-the vast majority of whom, for a variety of reasons, know little about archaeology as an academic subject. This was dismissed as providing far too broad a definition to have any use, especially as 'archaeology is a public activity anyway'. Whilst it may be true that broad definitions might appear to be too all-embracing, I should argue that my original statement is defensible in terms of how and why the public becomes involved in, or aware of, archaeological issues. Briefly,as an example, the campaign involving Viking Dublin in the late 1970s and early 1980s saw a large element of public involvement with archaeology that at its height resulted in tens of thousands of Dubliners taking to the city streets ostensibly, but not entirely, to protect the city's archaeological heritage; there were other underlying causes and at least some political fallout. There was also considerable litigation (Bradley 1984; Heffernan 1988). This incident involved a series of issues which represent a proper area for research and explanation that can be seen in terms of public archaeology, but which are a long way removed from more conventional views of what public archaeology is seen to be. The term 'public archaeology first received widespread attention with the publication of Charles R. McGimsey III's Public Archaeology in 1972. This volume, which received some recognition in the UK and Europe at the time, was written 'with two audiences in mind:. .. colleagues in the archaeological profession. .. and the growing number of legislators and other interested citizens who are becoming
This work provides new insights into human responses to and perceptions of sea-level rise at a time when the landscapes of northwest Europe radically changing. These issues are investigated through a case study focused on the Channel Islands. We report on the excavation of two sites, Canal du Squez in Jersey and Lihou (GU582) in Guernsey, and the study of museum collections across the Channel Islands. We argue that people were drawn to this area as a result of the dynamic environmental processes occurring and the opportunities these created. The evidence suggests that the area was a particular focus during the Middle Mesolithic, when Guernsey and Alderney were already islands and while Jersey was a peninsula of Northern France. Insularisation does not appear to have created a barrier to occupation during either the Middle or Final Mesolithic, indicating the appearance of lifeways increasingly focused on maritime voyaging and marine resources from the second half of the 9 th millennium BC onwards.
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