Although a growing body of scholarship seeks to understand the motivations behind the ‘Brexit’ vote – including that which centralises explorations of racism, nationalism and post-colonialism – little consideration has been given to the ways in which ‘post-race’ racisms underpin the narratives of Leave voters. This article draws on data generated through 13 semi-structured interviews to examine the subtle and subterranean ways in which xeno-racism is articulated in the accounts of some Leave voters in the Greater Manchester city of Salford: a city that saw a higher percentage of the electorate (56.8%) vote to leave the EU than the national average (51.9%). Whilst restricting immigration was a key motivator of Leave voters in our research, interviewees vehemently rejected accusations of racism. Instead, couching their views in seemingly non-racial ways, they framed their concerns about immigration as a ‘legitimate’ response to a victimised whiteness. Thus, in discussing our data, we argue that far from living in a ‘post-racial’ epoch, racisms continue to thrive through new modes of articulation. These new racisms emerge from the shadows at key times, such as the EU Referendum, and refashion themselves in ways that are considered more palatable than the older (explicit) racisms of past.

This paper considers hard and soft surveillance measures, processes of racialised labelling and the allocation of stigma within a post-9/11 terror-panic climate. Using qualitative data from the first stage of a wider study, the paper reports on the perceptions and experiences of those marked as ‘hyper-visible’ (Khoury 2009); that is, those of middle Eastern appearance, or of South Asian or Arabic heritage and of the Muslim faith, who are presented as members of a suspect community. The paper considers ‘browning’ (Bhattacharyya 2008; Burman 2010; Semati 2010; Silva 2010) and ‘social sorting’ (Lyon 2003a) in relation to perceptions and experiences of surveillance. The paper argues that ethnic hostility features heavily in surveillance, and the impact has serious negative consequences for its subjects. Anti-terror surveillance therefore needs to be understood within the wider context of a racially defined citizenship agenda. This would allow us to more accurately understand its impact, and to ask questions about its fulfilling of safety. More significantly, it would also allow for the mapping of mobilised resistance to problematic and discriminatory surveillance.

Using a range of international examples, this article examines the ways in which members of the black and minority ethnic population continue to be viewed as problematic and deviant, challenging the claim that we are now living in a post-race state. The article considers how race and racism are still in reality, used to socially order society-and specifically criminalize those black and minority ethnic groups of (real or perceived) Muslim background-what I call "brown bodies". Turning its focus to the United Kingdom, although offering an analysis applicable to other countries with similar racialized conditions, the article discusses how sub-measures under current counter-terror discourse not only serve to control and regulate Muslim populations, but more so, the civilizing undertone of its Western (or, British) values and national security narrative continue to normalize and perpetuate antiMuslim sentiment and construct Muslims as "suspect" communities at every possible opportunity. This process draws on a "post-colonial fantasy" and re-uses established practices of "race-consumption" to control brown bodies. This ensures that anti-Muslim racism remains a key feature of contemporary British society. The article ends noting its support for that body of literature that critiques the claim that we are now living in a post-race state. This article is published as part of a collection on racism in counter-terrorism and surveillance discourse.

No abstract

RETRACTED