The transport sector is a major driver of climate change both globally and in the European Union (EU). While the EU as a whole is showing declining carbon emissions, transport-related emissions are higher than in 1990. Car traffic is responsible for around 12 percent of the EU’s total greenhouse gas emissions. EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen underlined the efforts to strengthen the decarbonization of the EU at the end of 2019 by publishing the European Green Deal (EGD) communication. In this paper, we analyze the controversy surrounding the emission performance standards for cars adopted in spring 2019. Car manufacturers must reduce the average carbon emissions of their fleets by 37.5% between 2021 and 2030. In this respect, the new emission performance standards are more ambitious than the previous ones. However, our argument is that without a major shift in the balance of power, extensive decarbonization and a departure from car-centered transport development will not be possible. Therefore, it is crucial for mobility research to critically engage with lobbying power in the EU and with concepts such as environmental leadership, which often underexpose the structural power of incumbent actors and existing path dependencies.

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In recent years, the role of the state in sustainability transitions has received increasing attention. Germany is often perceived as a forerunner in climate and environmental politics. Building on critical theories of the state, this paper explores the role of the German state in two key fields of society-nature relationships: energy (electricity) and transportation. Whereas Germany's energy transition (Energiewende) is widely praised internationally, its mobility transition (Verkehrswende) is a more difficult endeavour, as the German car industry is at the core of the national model of capitalism, specialising in the premium market segment. Against this background, Germany's status as an environmental leader is questioned as there is a strong state-capital nexus, which admittedly leaves space for green politics in case of intense social struggles. If, in addition, technological alternatives are developed embracing the potential to renew the country's 'accumulation strategy', the window of opportunity for green politics widens. In contrast to the Energiewende, which was at least partially accompanied by a decentralisation of power generation and the questioning of existing power relations, there is little indication that the German state will push for a mobility turnaround that goes beyond a limited greening of the automobile.