This article argues that economists have a potentially valuable contribution to make to evaluation in the social welfare field, provided they are willing to embrace a more flexible and eclectic approach to economic evaluation. It contrasts the perspectives of mainstream economists and other evaluators working in this field, which often appear to be at opposite ends of the spectrum. This may explain why the role of economists often seems to be marginalized - the ends don't meet. Although different approaches to evaluation are to some extent complementary, the article argues that economists can learn from other perspectives on evaluation and should consider adapting or building on more conventional approaches to economic evaluation, where appropriate. This would help to improve the validity and generalizability of their results and would also facilitate more co-operative working with evaluators from other disciplines - helping to make ends meet.

List of figures, tables and boxes v Acknowledgements xi Notes on contributors xiii one Introduction I Kitty Stewartjom Sefton and John Hills Part One: Dimensions of policy and outcomes 19 two Poverty, inequality and redistribution 21 Tom Seftonjohn Hills and Holly Sutherland three 'A scar on the soul of Britain': child poverty and disadvantage under New Labour 47 Kitty Stewart four Education: New Labour's top priority 71 Ruth Lupton, Natalie Heath and Emma Salter five More equal working lives? An assessment of New Labour policies

Using data from several large-scale longitudinal surveys, this article investigates the relationship between the work histories and personal incomes (from both public and private sources) of older women in the UK, US and West Germany. By comparing three countries with different welfare regimes and pension systems, we seek to gain a better understanding of the interaction between the life course, pension system and women’s incomes in later life. The association between older women’s incomes and work histories is strongest in West Germany and weakest in the UK, where there is evidence of a ‘pensions poverty trap’ and where only predominantly full-time employment is associated with significantly higher incomes in later life. Work history matters less for widows (in all three countries) and more for recent birth cohorts and more educated women (UK only). The article concludes with a brief discussion of the treatment of women under different pension regimes assessed by the criteria of adequacy, proportionality, vertical equity and horizontal equity.

This article argues that our understanding of income and poverty dynamics benefits from taking a life-cycle perspective. A person's age and family circumstances – the factors that shape their life cycle – affect the likelihood of experiencing key life events, such as partnership formation, having children, or retirement; this in turn affects their probability of experiencing rising, falling, or other income trajectories. Using ten waves of the British Household Panel Survey, we analyse the income trajectories of people at different stages in their lives in order to build a picture of income dynamics over the whole life cycle. We find that particular life events are closely associated with either rising or falling trajectories, but that there is considerable heterogeneity in income trajectories following these different events. Typically, individuals experiencing one of these life events are around twice as likely to experience a particular income trajectory, but most individuals will not follow the trajectory most commonly associated with that life event. This work improves our understanding of the financial impact of different life events and provides an indication of how effectively the welfare state cushions people against the potentially adverse impact of these events.

This article examines the relationship between the family and work histories of older women and their personal incomes in later life, using retrospective data from the first 15 waves of the British Household Panel Survey. The association between women's family histories and their incomes later in life are relatively weak, explaining only a small proportion of the overall variation in older women's incomes. Divorce, early widowhood and re-marriage are not associated with any significant differences in older women's incomes, while motherhood is only associated with a small reduction in incomes later in life. While there are significant differences in the work histories of older women with different family histories, this translates into relatively small differences in their personal incomes, because the types of employment career pursued by most women are not associated with significantly higher retirement incomes and because public transfers dampen work history-related differentials, especially for widows. On the one hand, this could be seen as a positive finding in that the ‘pension penalty’ associated with life-course events such as motherhood and divorce is not as severe as often anticipated. On the other hand, the main reason for this is that the pension returns to working longer are relatively low, particularly for women with few qualifications. The analysis suggests that women retiring over the next two decades are unlikely to benefit significantly from the additional years they have spent in employment, because most of this increase has been in part-time employment. The article highlights the tensions between two objectives: rewarding work, and protecting the most vulnerable, such as carers, long-term disabled and unemployed. Resolving this dilemma involves moving away from a close association between pension entitlements and work history and towards universal entitlement based on a citizen's pension.