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Based on data from the multimedia subcorpus of the Russian National Corpus, the paper addresses syntactic, pragmatic and prosodic features of insubordinated adverbial clauses introduced by the adverbial subordinator potomu čto ‘because’. The quantitative analysis showed that more than 30% of reason clauses in spoken discourse appear to be insubordinated. Qualitatively, we observed symptoms of insubordination at various levels. (1) Prosodically, insubordinated clauses are placed after discourse fragments that are articulated with falling pitch projecting no continuation and are separated from them by the prosodic break. (2) Pragmatically, they can have independent illocutionary force and can form separate turns in dialogues. (3) Grammatically, they allow right dislocation of the adverbial subordinator – otherwise blocked in adverbial clauses.

The paper addresses the overall distribution of speech disfluencies in Russian spoken monologic discourse: basing on corpus data, we investigate qualitatively and quantitatively how disfluencies of different types group (or do not group) with each other and how isolated disfluencies and their sequences are sandwiched with periods of fluent speech in the course of speech production. Self-repairs, filled and silent pauses, and instances of hesitation lengthening were annotated in a subcorpus of the “Russian Pears Chats and Stories” (RUPEX). A distribution-oriented typology of disfluencies was proposed that distinguishes between isolated disfluencies, disfluency clusters, and quasiclusters. We claim that disfluency tokens tend to cluster, as isolated occurrences are significantly less frequent in our data than it could have been expected basing on the relative frequency of tokens. This finding contradicts previous studies that treated disfluency clusters as a more marginal phenomenon, and emphasizes the importance of a distributional, rather than merely structural, approach to annotating disfluencies. Furthermore, individual types of disfluency tokens demonstrate significantly different distributional patterns. Compared to other types, self-repairs occur more often in isolation, while words with hesitation lengthening appear predominantly in clusters, and filled pauses most often group with silent pauses to form quasi-clusters.

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Based on data from the Russian National Corpus and the General InternetCorpus of Russian, the paper addresses syntactic, sematic and prosodic features of constructions with the demonstrative TOT used as an anaphor. These constructions have gained some attention in earlier studies [Paducheva 2016], [Berger, Weiss 1987], [Kibrik 2011], [Podlesskaya 2001], but their analysis (a) covered primarily their prototypical uses; and (b) was based on written data. The data from informal, esp. from spoken discourse show however that the actual use of these constructions may deviate considerably from the known prototype. The paper aims at bridging this gap. I claim (i) that the function of TOT is to temporary promote a referent from a less privileged discourse status to a more privileged one; and (ii) that TOT can be analyzed on a par with switch reference devices in the languages where the latter are grammatically marked (e.g. on verb forms). The following parameters of TOT-constructions are discussed: syntactic and semantic roles of TOT and of its antecedent in their respective clauses, linear and structural distances between TOT and its antecedent, animacy of the maintained referent. Special attention is payed to the information structure of the TOT construction: I give structural and prosodic evidence that TOT never has a rhematic status. The revealed actual distribution of TOT (a) adds to our understanding of cross-linguistic variation of anaphoric functions of demonstratives; and, hopefully, (b) may contribute to further developing computational approaches to coreference and anaphora resolution for Russian, e.g. by improving datasets necessary for this task.