The reproductive care of pregnant migrants entering the European Union via its Mediterranean borders represents an under-examined topic, despite a growing scholarly emphasis on female migrants and the gendered aspects of migration in the past three decades. This article uses ethnographic data gathered in Greece, Italy, and Spain to examine pregnant migrants’ experiences of crossing, first reception, and reproductive care. We discuss our findings through the conceptual lens of vulnerability, which we understand as a shifting and relational condition attributed to, or dynamically endorsed by, migrant patients within given social contexts and encounters. We focus on two principal aspects of migrant women’s experiences. First, we shed light on their profiles, their journeys to Europe via the three main Mediterranean routes, and the conditions of first reception. Through ethnographic vignettes we examine the diverse ways in which pregnant migrants become vulnerable within these contexts. Second, we turn to the reproductive healthcare they receive in EU borderlands. We explore how declinations of ideas of vulnerability shape the medical encounter between healthcare professionals and migrant women and how vulnerability is dynamically used or contested by migrant patients to engage in meaningful social relations in unpredictable and unstable borderlands.

This article is an analysis of trade among the Trio (Suriname), and their relationship with objects and persons in their quest for manufactured goods. Based on data mostly collected in the Trio village of Tëpu in southern Suriname, it discusses trade from the point of view of Amerindian sociality, with regard to the nature of the interpersonal relations involved. I examine trade through the prism of an Amerindian understanding of personhood, the body and materiality, and show how these relationships tend to be fabricated over a lifetime, eventually becoming an integral and material part of the actors involved. This is manifested in the way Trio social space is constructed and inhabited as an extension of the body, and how objects acquired through trade come to elicit narratives of past exploits and travels to distant spheres of alterity. [Brazil, Guyana, indigenous people, social anthropology, Surinam]They found a Nation of Indians, which never had seene white men, or Christians before, and could not be drawne to any familiar commerce, or conversation, not so much as with our Indians, because they were strangers to them, and of another Nation (Harris 1928:111).1 WHEN EXPLORER AND COLONIZER Robert Harcourt reports the first inland journey that his brother Michael organized with Captain Harvey, a few of their own men, and sixty Amerindian helpers, he dwells on this surprising encounter with a group of indigenous inhabitants who refuse to trade with them. It is the first time since their landing on the northeastern shores of the Guiana region in the early 17th century that the party of English adventurers have come across Amerindians who refuse to engage with them in any form of social interaction; the incident is so remarkable that it is deemed worthy of a detailed description. Elsewhere, Harcourt recounts with satisfaction the ease with which the "friendly" nations of Indians have engaged in commerce since the English landed by the mouth of the river Wiapoco in May 1609.2 In his dry prose he repeatedly emphasizes that the riches of this new land are to be found in its commercial exploitation and the extraction of its natural resources such as timber rather than in the deluded search for gold mines. These attainable riches are readily provided by the local inhabitants in exchange for "toies, and such like trifeling things " (1928:106). Laden with the long lists that became a regular feature of early explorers' accounts (see Stedman 1806:(I) 417-9, (II) 197; Williamson

Focusing on the region surrounding the Maroni River, which forms the border between Suriname and French Guiana, we examine how relations between different state and non-state social groups are articulated in terms of security. The region is characterised by multiple "borders" and frontiers of various kinds, the state boundary having the features of an interface or contact zone. Several key collectivities meet in this border zone: native Amazonians, tribal Maroon peoples, migrant Brazilian gold prospectors, and metropolitan French state functionaries. We explore the relationships between these different sets of actors and describe how their mutual encounters center on discourses of human and state security, thus challenging the commonly held view of the region as a stateless zone and showing that the "human security" of citizens from the perspective of the state may compete with locally salient ideas or experiences of well-being.

Cet article est une a nalyse des relations sociales établies entre les corps lors des célébrations collectives que les Tirio organisent réguli èrement dans leurs villages du Sud du Surinam. Les vi llages auxquels on se réfère sont des structures relativement récentes et sont caractérisés par la sédentarité grandissa nte des résidents et leur plus grande concentration, ce qui, du poi nt de vue tirio, signifie u n rapprochement physique et social avec des personnes no n apparentées et potentiellement ennemies. On nomme ces célébrations « fètes de bière» pour le rôle central que cette boisson joue dans l'articul ation de la sociabilité collective, typique de ces grands rassemblements entre affin s co-résidents et éloignés, et leurs répercussions sur la parenté spécifique et temporaire qui se crée a lors en tre commensaux. On introduira notamment les conce pts de n11rt11re et de «diffusion de l'influence» pour analyser ces relations sociales et les placer dans le contexte contemporain propre à l'Amazonie du Nord-Est. [Motsclés : célébrations collect ives, bière de manioc, 1111rt11re, sédentarisation, Tirio, Surinam, Amazoni e.) A 111m•ing body: kinsliip, « d(Oi1sion of influence» and corporeal transformations in Triobeer feasts, northeastem A111azo11ia. T his article is an analysis of the social relations cstablishcd and nurtured belween bod ies during Trio communal fea sts in southern Suriname. The villages in which they live are characterised by growing sedentari sation and incrcased popul ati o n concentration, which, from a Trio point of view, means an increased physical and social interaction with unrelated affines and potcntia l enemies. These communal fcasts are referred to as becr fca sts duc to the centra l importance of manioc beer in the articulation of collecti ve sociability typical of these occasions which bring together corcsidcnl a nd geographi cally distant affines, and their repercussions on the specific a nd temporary form of kinship which is ge nerated among conuncnsals. The concepts of nurture and diffusion of influence will be introduced to a na lyse these social • lnstitutc of Social and Cul tural A nthropology, U ni versit y of Oxford, 5 1/53 Danbury Road, Oxford OX2 6PE, Royaume Uni [vancssa.grotti@anth ro.ox.ac. uk].

This article is based on fieldwork among a Central Carib people known as the Trio, who have for the past 40 years lived alongside their former enemies in large sedentary villages in southern Suriname. The article analyses the relations that have been established and nurtured between people, particularly those of distant affines, at times of communal celebrations such as beer feasts, with a particular focus on intersubjectivity. As the frequency and magnitude of these beer-drinking feasts seems to be on the rise in the whole region, I examine the relationship that exists between sedentarization, conversion to Christianity, and the long-term process of peaceful engagement with enemies, which together make for contemporary Trio sociality, particularly at the times of communal feasts. [Amazonia, Suriname, trio, beer, feasts, kinship, sedentarization] Drinking with Other PeopleThe most enduring memory of my very first few days in the village of Tëpu in southern Suriname is the rasping sound of grating manioc. It had an irregular rhythm that followed the women's movements as they rocked back and forth, a peeled tuber in each hand, leaning over a rectangular metal grater stuck in the middle of a tilted wooden trough resembling a dugout canoe. A thin liquid dribbled out of the end of the trough into another container, leaving behind a thick, sluggish mass. The grating would then be interrupted and the mass carried by hand to an iron cauldron resting on a stove made from an empty petrol barrel. The grating resumed. The bubbling orange mass in the cauldron was stirred to prevent it from burning, sometimes by another woman, who for the purpose used an old canoe paddle she would then leave inside the cauldron. It was the end of the dry season, and men were nowhere to be seen, apart from some bent old grandfathers moving about and sometimes emitting highpitched exclamations before retiring to their hammocks. The long hours of the afternoon were punctuated with the incessant sound of grating, as feminine forms in the shade of their respective cooking houses stretched their upper bodies back and forth, turned the paddle in the fuming mass or rested and chatted nearby in small daytime hammocks. I was struck by such industry, bs_bs_banner