Livestock is a major driver in most rural landscapes and economics, but it also polarises debate over its environmental impacts, animal welfare and human health. Conversely, the various services that livestock farming systems provide to society are often overlooked and have rarely been quantified. The aim of analysing bundles of services is to chart the coexistence and interactions between the various services and impacts provided by livestock farming, and to identify sets of ecosystem services (ES) that appear together repeatedly across sites and through time. We review three types of approaches that analyse associations among impacts and services from local to global scales: (i) detecting ES associations at system or landscape scale, (ii) identifying and mapping bundles of ES and impacts and (iii) exploring potential drivers using prospective scenarios. At a local scale, farming practices interact with landscape heterogeneity in a multi-scale process to shape grassland biodiversity and ES. Production and various ES provided by grasslands to farmers, such as soil fertility, biological regulations and erosion control, benefit to some extent from the functional diversity of grassland species, and length of pasture phase in the crop rotation. Mapping ES from the landscape up to the EU-wide scale reveals a frequent trade-off between livestock production on one side and regulating and cultural services on the other. Maps allow the identification of target areas with higher ecological value or greater sensitivity to risks. Using two key factors (livestock density and the proportion of permanent grassland within utilised agricultural area), we identified six types of European livestock production areas characterised by contrasted bundles of services and impacts. Livestock management also appeared to be a key driver of bundles of services in prospective scenarios. These scenarios simulate a breakaway from current production, legislation (e.g. the use of food waste to fatten pigs) and consumption trends (e.g. halving animal protein consumption across Europe). Overall, strategies that combine a reduction of inputs, of the use of crops from arable land to feed livestock, of food waste and of meat consumption deliver a more sustainable food future. Livestock as part of this sustainable future requires further enhancement, quantification and communication of the services provided by livestock farming to society, which calls for the following: (i) a better targeting of public support, (ii) more precise quantification of bundles of services and (iii) better information to consumers and assessment of their willingness to pay for these services.

In the 27 member states of the European Union (EU-27), meat consumption was, on average, 77 kg per capita for the year 2010. Beef represented 21% of the total meat consumed or 16 kg per capita (against 41 kg for pork meat, 17 kg for poultry meat, and 3 kg for sheep and goat meat). This level of meat consumption is less than that observed in Argentina, Brazil, the United States, and Australia (Table 1), where beef represents a greater share of the total meat consumption (with a peak of 58% in Argentina). European consumption of meat is, however, signifi cantly greater than in other countries such as Russia, China, and Japan and much greater than in India, where a vegetarian diet is predominant.The purchasing power of consumers is a key determinant of the level of meat consumption per capita. This is particularly true in the beef sector where prices are generally greater than those for other forms of animal protein. Low competitiveness of beef is mainly due to the long duration of the production cycle of bovine cattle and to a decreased feed effi ciency compared with poultry or pigs. The recent development of beef consumption in Asian countries such as Japan or South Korea, which have benefi ted from a favorable economic situation, confi rms the importance of this criterion. China's beef consumption has grown slowly but steadily, mainly in urban areas where economic growth is strong. This increase is likely to continue in the near future as in Brazil (Table 2). In the 12 new European Union (EU) member states (Table 3), where the purchasing power of consumers is less than in the EU-15, pork is much preferred (only 4 kg of beef per capita compared with 12 kg in Germany, 19 kg in the United Kingdom, and 25 kg in France, Table 3). However, beef consumption does not only depend on economic considerations: •In some countries, religions and beliefs have a signifi cant impact on food choices of inhabitants: consumption of pork is pro-

Cet article porte sur l’évolution récente (depuis 2000) de la localisation des productions animales (lait de vache, viande bovine, porcs et volailles) au sein des Etats membres de l’Union Européenne. En utilisant les dernières données statistiques disponibles à un niveau géographique fin, une analyse est conduite sur les processus de concentration géographique et de spécialisation productive des territoires. Les forces qui influent sur ces processus ne sont pas nouvelles et ont déjà fait l’objet de nombreux travaux d’économistes au fil du temps. Elles concernent principalement les avantages comparatifs, les économies d’échelle et d’agglomération ainsi que la qualité de la structuration industrielle et commerciale. Si les normes environnementales (directive Nitrates, Natura 2000…) et les mesures du développement rural (soutiens spécifiques aux agricultures des zones défavorisées) constituent un levier pour freiner voire diminuer la concentration animale, force est de constater que leur influence est souvent moins grande que les forces évoquées ci-dessus. La spécialisation productive des territoires demeure cependant un processus complexe. Une analyse de la co-localisation des productions animales met en évidence le fait que les productions de granivores (volailles et porcs) ont tendance à se localiser dans les zones géographiques similaires. Cependant, l’association porcs et vaches laitières est la plus fréquente dans les zones les plus denses en cheptel total. Le cheptel de vaches allaitantes a quant à lui tendance à être repoussé dans les zones défavorisées où les autres productions animales ont des difficultés à s’implanter ou à se maintenir.

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With the end of milk quotas, the increasing openness of economies and the increased volatility of international prices, the question of the competitiveness of the French dairy sector is at the heart of many debates. Competitiveness is generally defined as the ability of a company or a country to conquer and/or maintain market shares in the face of competition both on the domestic and export markets. The French dairy sector is not only an important player in European and international trade in dairy products, but it has some good opportunities in the domestic market, including for high-value products. The decline in domestic consumption (in milk equivalent), the gradual saturation of the European demand and competition from several other European countries are now an incentive to develop our exports to more distant markets showing a growth in demand. Compared to other European or international competing countries (New Zealand, United States), the cost of producing milk in France, especially in the West (main French dairy region), is favored by low inputs, particularly because of abundant forage production (autonomy for feeding dairy cows). The way of achieving such a high level of autonomy, however, weights today on the average level of labor productivity and on the structure of expenses (high cost of mechanization) due to the importance of forages now mostly grown, harvested and distributed mechanically.