This article examines Haitian situation in Dominican Republic based on interviews through several fieldworks in Santo Domingo (2006-2008). Visibility as a concept, is useful to compare the omnipresence of Haitian migrants all over the country in one hand but their invisibility in several fields as legality on the other hand. The study of these two notions (visibility/ invisibility) allows the interrogation of geopolitical and economical frameworks and the representations in the process of immigrant’s integration.

This article addresses the two processes of market making and transnationalization in Havana through the lens of gentrification theory. Using a case study situated between Global South and East, this article looks more closely at transnational families and migrants as agents of gentrification in Havana, analysing how they create and exploit the rent‐gap. Returning to the central ideas of ‘highest and best use’ and ‘circulations’ in N. Smith's rent‐gap theory, I analyse how increased transnational mobility has affected the commodification and potential use of housing in Havana. Based on interviews with transnational owners who purchased housing to upgrade and convert into an Airbnb, this article shows how the “highest and best use” of a property is evaluated from elsewhere. It also demonstrates the complexities of transnational gentrification in a southern socialist city and insists on the need to understand more broadly the gentrification–migration nexus.

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In this article we examine the nature and implementation of governing strategies to control the gentrification of Little Havana, the symbolic heart of Cuban Miami. We ask how Cuban-American power relations at the neighborhood level operate to "produce" the citizen best suited to fulfill and help reproduce policies and practices of "securing" in order to gentrify Little Havana. Based on long-term ethnographic research in Little Havana and Miami, our analysis reveals how governance operates through neighborhood-level intermediaries and interpersonal relations. We apply Foucault's "pastoral power" to Miami's Cuban exile community in order to explain how the "Cuban-ness" and "Latin-ness" of governing relations and the personification of political power are crucial to socio-spatial control in Little Havana. Elites shape the conduct of individuals in order to achieve strategic goals in the name of community interest. Residents are key partners in the relational ensemble that governs and disciplines the neighborhood comprised mostly of low-income, Central American immigrants.