A substantial number of scholars have previously documented African praise poems, including those that relate to the Zulu kings and queens. To a large extent, these recordings only focus on the content and structural approach to this genre of orality, with little attention paid to contextual meaning.  As such, issues of metaphoric expressions are perpetually ignored, which by their very definition contain the underlying meaning and purpose for the crafting of such poetry. Therefore, this article addresses the problem of hidden meaning in Zulu kings’ praise poems that many writers on the subject have missed. As it has long been established that praise poetry, from a Zulu perspective, was/is a story about the life and times of a particular king, a hermeneutic paradigm was used to conduct an inquiry into the most prominent king in the history of the Zulus—King Shaka, the founder the great Zulu nation. The study reveals that reference to this kind of poetry as “praise” itself is problematic, since the craft was used as an evaluation of the king. It both praised and critiqued the king’s reign. With regard to King Shaka, the study reveals that Shaka was a revolutionary and a freedom fighter, contrary to the popularly held view that he was a brutal despot who went around killing innocent people to satisfy his own ego.

In this article the term Ingoma (literally, song) in isiZulu covers a broad range of male group dances such as isikhuze, isicathulo, ukukhomikha, isiZulu, isibhaca, umzansi and isishayameni (Coplan 1985:65; Erlmann 1991:95). However, there is controversy among both authors, as Erlmann includes the term 'isiZulu' (Zulu), while Coplan, includes 'Ingoma' [dance-song] in the list of dances by amaZulu migrant workers. It is unclear why they decided to include these terms because all the dance-songs mentioned are classified as isiZulu and Ingoma. However, for this article, the term Ingoma has been used. As mentioned earlier, it is a generic term for dance-songs by amaZulu or isiZulu dance-songs.It is prudent to highlight that Ingoma has played an essential role in the transformation of amaZulu. The Ingoma's story is of dramatic socioeconomic changes in Zulu society after the final 'downfall' of the independent kingdom. It is the decade in which amaZulu entered the migrant labour system in greater proportions than ever before. As expected from any African society, the narrative for this decade could well be expressed in music, song, dance and some other forms of performances, which could be collectively called Ingoma. Sentiments arose around this period in the history of Zulu Ingoma, whereby some felt it as negative, while others saw it as positive. As such, this article set out to examine the story of Ingoma during the decade between 1929 and 1939. This article adopted an ethnomethodological approach within an interpretive paradigm to understand the impact of Ingoma musical and/or dance performance tradition. The results of this article reveal that Ingoma musical and/or dance performance traditions of the 1920s and 1930s represented the less continuity of precolonial musical and/or dance performance traditions of amaZulu expressions of power and warfare than the complex interaction of dance traditions, labour migration and missionisation. This article concludes by affirming that people continuously construct their cultures to reflect their identities. These results imply two things: firstly, amaZulu migrants were not just passive recipients of cultural changes at that time, and secondly, they were consciously responsible for the transformation of Ingoma dance songs as they reflected on the socioeconomic changes they found themselves in.Contribution: This study contributes by establishing the factual impact of this transformative period on Ingoma musical and/or dance performance tradition and on the broader cultural expression of amaZulu as a society in developing South Africa.

Even though Indlamu dance has been a central feature of the Zulu nation, few historical studies address the social status of Indlamu. Indlamu has been largely overlooked as an image of Zulu upper-class people, even though the majority of people had ample access to Indlamu. Also, Indlamu is most often associated with Zulu culture untouched by Western influence, probably because it is regarded as a touchstone of Zulu identity. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that Indlamu has never been about war dance only for the peasants and migrants’ workers (ordinary people), but rather ‘an image of the Zulu upper-class culture of the past’. The demonstration is done by analysing Indlamu’s history, structural form, performance, and appreciation throughout the decades. This paper employs a textual analysis approach and direct interviews with selected participants who possess extensive knowledge of Indlamu. This article argues that Indlamu is used as a tool to present a Zulu warrior/combatant as an ordered, disciplined, submissive, and obedient member of society. The findings demonstrate that according to the perceived Zulu nationalism and modern capitalism, an ideal Zulu warrior is submissive and obedient to their authorities. This is ascribed to Indlamu performance’s requirements for complete regimental clothing, exact time, and unwavering posture. This article concludes by affirming that similar to ballet and how King Louis XIV would symbolise things like war or Apollo, implying authority and empire, Indlamu performers would likewise symbolise power and battle. This article is intended to bring an understanding of the role of Indlamu in the Zulu nation. Keywords: Culture, Indlamu, upper-class, war dance, Zulu identity