Listeners discriminate acoustic differences between phoneme categories at a higher level than similarly sized differences within phoneme categories. The question this paper aims to answer is how this pattern in perceptual sensitivity develops along an acoustic dimension that contrasts two non-native speech sounds: through acquired distinctiveness, through acquired similarity, or through a combination of the two. A pretest-training-post-test experiment was designed to study perceptual development directly, i.e., by including (i) a discrimination task to measure perceptual sensitivity, (ii) a transfer test to ensure language learning instead of stimulus learning, and (iii) a control group to exclude task repetition as an explanation of improvement. It is shown that the typical peak in perceptual sensitivity near a phoneme boundary that native listeners show is not found in relatively inexperienced language learners, despite their ability to classify a continuum in a nativelike way after short laboratory training. Experiment II indicates that a discrimination peak may be achieved by language learners, but only after much more language experience than short-term laboratory training can offer. Furthermore, reasons are given why classification improvement in the laboratory should not be taken as evidence for (i) increased discrimination of the newly learned phonemes and (ii) learning of phoneme representations.

No abstract

No abstract

Although previous work has shown that some speech sounds contain more speaker-dependent information than others, not much is known about the speaker information of the same segment in different linguistic contexts. The present study therefore investigated whether Dutch fricatives /s/ and /x/ from telephone dialogues contain differential speaker information as a function of syllabic position and labial co-articulation. These linguistic effects, established in earlier work on read broadband speech, were firstly investigated. Using a corpus of Dutch telephone speech, results showed that the telephone bandwidth captures the expected effects of perseverative and anticipatory labialization for back fricative /x/, for which spectral peaks fall within the telephone band, but not for front fricative /s/, for which the spectral peak falls outside the telephone band.Multinomial logistic regression shows that /s/ contains slightly more speaker information than /x/ in telephone speech and that speaker information is distributed across the speech signal in a systematic way; even though differences in classification accuracy were small, for both /s/ and /x/, codas and tokens with labial neighbours are more speaker-specific than onsets and tokens with non-labial neighbours. These findings indicate that speaker information contained by the same speech sound is not the same across contexts.

We introduce a targeted language game approach using the visual world, eye-movement paradigm to assess when and how certain intonational contours affect the interpretation of utterances. We created a computer-based card game in which elliptical utterances such as "Got a candy" occurred with a nuclear contour most consistent with a yes-no question (H* H-H%) or a statement (L* L-L%). In Experiment I we explored how such contours are integrated online. In Experiment 2 we studied the expectations listeners have for how intonational contours signal intentions: do these reflect linguistic categories or rapid adaptation to the paradigm? Prosody had an immediate effect on interpretation, as indexed by the pattern and timing of fixations. Moreover, the association between different contours and intentions was quite robust in the absence of clear syntactic cues to sentence type, and was not due to rapid adaptation. Prosody had immediate effects on interpretation even though there was a construction-based bias to interpret "got a" as a question. Taken together, we believe this paradigm will provide further insights into how intonational contours and their phonetic realization interact with other cues to sentence type in online comprehension.