Our objectives are to describe the pattern of abuse associated with battering and to evaluate the contribution of the medical system and of broader social forces to its emergence. A pilot study of 481 women who used the emergency service of a large metropolitan hospital in the U.S. shows that battering includes a history of self-abuse and psychosocial problems, as well as repeated and escalating physical injury. In addition, although the number of battered women using the service is 10 times higher than medical personnel identify, the pattern of abuse that constitutes battering emerges only after its initial effects are presented and in conjunction with specific medical intervnetions and referrals. Examination of intervention and referral patterns suggests a staging process by which battering is socially constructed. At first, the physical trauma associated with abuse is medicated symptomatically. But the patient's persistence, the failure of the cure, and the incongruity between her problems and available medical explanations lead the provider to label the abused woman in ways that suggest she is personally responsible for her victimization. Although secondary problems such as depression, drug abuse, suicide attempts, or alcoholism derive as much from the intervention strategy adopted as from physical assault or psychopathology, they are treated as the primary problems at psychiatric and social service referral points where family maintenance is often the therapeutic goal. One consequence of this referral strategy is the stabilization of "violent families" in ways that virtually insure women will be abused in systematic and arbitrary ways. The use of patriarchal logic by medical providers ostensibly responding to physical trauma has less to do with individual "sexism" than with the political and economic constraints under which medicine operates as part of an "extended patriarchy." Medicine's role in battering suggests that the services function to reconstitute the "private" world of patriarchal authority, with violence if necessary, against demands to socialize the labors of love.

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To help curb excessive radiography, we developed a protocol for selecting patients with injured extremities who need x-ray examination, and we tested the protocol prospectively in 848 patients to determine its safety and effectiveness. Strict adherence to the protocol would have reduced x-ray usage by 12 per cent for upper extremities and 19 per cent for lower extremities. The actual reductions were 5 per cent and 16 per cent, respectively, since further reductions were limited by patient's demands for x-ray examinations. One fracture in 287 were missed, but the treatment was appropriate and the outcome satisfactory. By eliminating superfluous x-ray procedures, the protocol could reduce charges by $79 million to $139 million nationwide, without compromising quality of care or increasing malpractice liability. Nevertheless, even the best protocol cannot eliminate all negative x-ray studies. These results should serve as a stimulus for judicious use of radiography, but also as a warning to avoid overzealous cost-containment strategies that would reduce x-ray usage to below a safe threshold.

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