A heuristic model of the retirement migration process was developed and explored using survey data from 586 migrants to western North Carolina. Five distinct subgroups were investigated: those who went from part- to full-time residency; those who thought about not migrating; individuals who migrated, remained in the labor force for a short period, and then retired; people who made two retirement migrations; and destination-selecting versus destination-specific migrants.
Travel experience, when measured by regular vacationing and second homes, may increase community ties to a destination. The life-course model must be modified in its explanation of the importance of community and person ties, and of life transitions, as motivators of migration.
The ability to identify potential "retirement migrants" may be of practical importance for state and local government officials as well as developers interested in recruiting or retaining young-old residents. Our study offers insight on the interpretation of stated mobility intentions. Moreover, consistent with early theoretical work in the field, our analysis suggests that empirical studies must account for heterogeneity among older movers in order to avoid misleading results.
In the fall of 1989, data were collected from a sample of 814 persons who had recently moved into the western North Carolina counties surrounding Asheville. Data on expenditures and assets were collected in a log book, in which individuals were asked to record their daily expenditures in and out of their county of residence for 1 week, along with data on major purchases (residences, vehicles, and durable goods), nonrecurrent expenditures (dues, contributions, travel), and health care expenditures and use. A description and analysis of some of these data, including private and public consequences, is presented. The article concludes with a discussion of the extent to which retirement migration in this context truly represents a net economic gain to the host community.
This article explores social trends that can influence the future development of retirement communities. The leading edge of the baby boom is within a decade of the traditional retirement age. Will this generation experience the same "Golden Age of Retirement" their parents experienced? Will the baby boom make that abrupt withdrawal from the labor force in their early 60s that typified the previous generation of retirees? Changes in Social Security and pension plans along career patterns may produce a phased retirement slightly later in life. Again, changes in pension plans and the age structure of the society may depreciate the post-World War II cohort economic status as they come to retirement. Finally, will the baby boom cohort have similar residential preference as their parents did in retirement? These factors can affect the course of the future development of retirement migration and the traditional retirement community.
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