The novel coronavirus (COVID-19) which was first reported in China's Wuhan province in December 2019 became a global pandemic within a few months. The exponential rise in COVID-19 cases globally was accompanied by a spike in misinformation about the pandemic, particularly on social media. Employing Social Network Theory as a lens, this qualitative study explores how selected international celebrities appropriated their Twitter micro-blogging pages to announce their COVID-19 infection to the world. The study finds that these celebrities can take advantage of their huge social media following to counter disinfodemic and promote awareness about health pandemics.

This article explores changing political communication and marketing trends in Zimbabwe when presidential candidates used Facebook to reach out, largely to the youth and urban voters, during the 2018 election campaign. Recent studies have identified the power of social media as a platform on which politicians portray images that convince the electorate to vote for them. These images can be created through the photographs, video footage and texts that politicians post on their Facebook pages. The study employed a qualitative approach to establish the role played by political imagery used by contesting parties and candidates in the campaign period ahead of the 2018 elections in Zimbabwe, in particular the frontrunners and larger political parties. MDC-Alliance presidential candidate Nelson Chamisa and Zanu-PF candidate Emmerson Mnangagwa were both serious contenders for the presidency. The analysis sheds light on the implications of image-making and modern political trends in Zimbabwe and how Facebook manages to reach out to the targeted electorate.

The coronavirus (COVID-19) global pandemic, which began in China’s Wuhan province in December 2019, has impacted nation states, highlighting their approaches and abilities to fight the pandemic. In Zimbabwe, attempts at fighting the pandemic have opened the floodgates for COVID-19-related corruption by “Covidpreneurs”-the politically connected and public officials. Therefore, in this chapter, we seek to examine the role of critical journalism and media convergence in exposing COVID-19-related corruption in Zimbabwe. Using qualitative content analysis on Zimlive newspaper stories culled over 1 month (1–30 June), interviews with media practitioners, and media convergence theory as a lens, this chapter critically looks at the discourses from Zimlive, and how these discourses expose corruption scandals involving COVID-19 funds. The study argues that critical journalism, taking advantage of digital technologies, was pivotal in exposing COVID-19 corruption in Zimbabwe.

This article explores the use of YouTube in the increasing practice of vlogging in Zimbabwe. Vlogging counters authoritarian media policies that restrict the entry of new media players and democratic participation in existing traditional media. This dearth of public debate on traditional media has created a window of opportunities for social media as alternative voices through YouTube ‘televisions’. We consider this a metaphorical yearning for alternative television stations in the mainstream media-dominated context of Zimbabwe. Employing the theoretical concept of counterpublics, this article presents a thematic analysis from three selected YouTube channels: Bustop TV, Goldgator TV and TV 7. The findings reveal that although authoritarian media laws are a huge setback to freedom of expression, YouTube empowers non-professional journalists to challenge those who possess political power. The article establishes that authoritarian media laws are no longer as effective in stifling dissent. We argue new thinking towards a liberal trajectory is called upon.

This study explores Zimbabwe’s media legislation, the Freedom of Information Act (FIA), whichwas brought into effect in 2020 to replace previous repressive legislation, the 2002 Access toInformation and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA). While the new law has been presented underthe reform agenda of the post-Mugabe administration, this paper explores whether the FIA offersgenuine media freedoms or if it replicates the old law. The study was guided by a qualitativeresearch design, and data was obtained through document analysis and in-depth interviews. Akey finding from the study is that the FIA contains very few changes that differentiate it from therepressive policy that it is replacing. It thus appears that a dual legacy of democracy and mediaauthoritarianism still exists in the post-Mugabe administration, which presents itself as the “newdispensation”.