For several decades, Poland’s eastern border was a spatial barrier hindering any development of near-border regions, which were thus afflicted by unfavourable demographic processes and growing peripheralization. Following the fall of the Soviet Union, more positive experiences of development associated with the opening of the border became apparent. However, Poland’s accession to the European Union (EU) and the Schengen area limited flows of people and goods once more. Is it true, then, to say that today’s eastern frontier of the Union is a spatial barrier limiting borderland socioeconomic development? Or perhaps the reverse is true, with the EU frontier actually stimulating local development? To address such questions, this paper discusses research carried out in Poland’s Lubelskie Province ( voivodship), which borders both Belarus and Ukraine. The research is based on extensive interviews with representatives of local authorities and on questionnaires distributed among residents of the communes ( gminas) located in closest proximity to the border. The results obtained show that socioeconomic development is first and foremost present near border crossings, reflecting both EU support for improved border-crossing infrastructure and local-level entrepreneurship reflecting locational benefits, especially for firms in the services, commerce and logistic sectors. In turn, areas located further away from border crossings are seen to feature distinct economic peripheralization, to the extent that the EU’s external frontier has to be perceived as a spatial barrier that hinders local development.

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ABSTRACT. The political situation of the Arctic still remains unstable. In the past decade, a combination of the specific regulations of the Convention on the Law of the Sea and the phenomenon of Arctic ice-cover shrinkage have produced a significant increase in the political activity of some of the countries interested in the region. It is commonly thought that the roots of the Arctic conflict lie in the abundant mineral resources, particularly petroleum and natural gas, that lie under the Arctic seabed. By analyzing geological data on the location of oil deposits and by taking into account the technological and macroeconomic conditions that must be fulfilled in order to exploit them, it is possible to conclude that the exploitation of these deposits will most likely not be attempted in the areas under dispute in the coming decades. This conclusion suggests that the motives behind the Arctic conflict are political, and not economic.Key words: Arctic, Convention on the Law of the Sea, conflict, resources, crude oil, peak oil RÉSUMÉ. À ce jour, la situation politique de l'Arctique demeure instable. Cette dernière décennie, les règlements spécifiques découlant de la Convention sur le droit de la mer, alliés au phénomène de la diminution de la couverture de glace arctique, se sont traduits par une activité politique considérablement accrue de la part de certains des pays intéressés par la région. On pense généralement que le conflit de l'Arctique est attribuable aux ressources minérales abondantes qui se trouvent sous le plancher océanique de l'Arctique, plus particulièrement le pétrole et le gaz naturel. À la lumière de l'analyse des données géologiques portant sur l'emplacement des gisements de pétrole et des conditions technologiques et macroéconomiques devant être remplies pour les exploiter, il est possible de conclure qu'il faudra vraisemblablement plusieurs décennies avant que l'exploitation de ces gisements ne soit entreprise dans les régions visées par le conflit. On en conclut donc que les motifs derrière le conflit de l'Arctique sont de nature politique, et non pas économique.Mots clés : Arctique, Convention sur le droit de la mer, conflit, ressources, pétrole brut, pic pétrolier Traduit pour la revue Arctic par Nicole Giguère.

Abstract. The process of population decline in highly developed countries is commonly perceived as a problem, particularly in some regions of these countries. Population growth is likewise seen as a daunting challenge. This indirectly leads to the conceptually faulty conclusion that the one and only balanced and safe population size is the current one. In reality, negative population growth on both national and regional levels also has its advantages -which do not typically garner much interest or consideration, obscured by the unsubstantiated argument that depopulation is mostly damaging to the well-being of the nation. Regardless of the pros and cons of depopulation, the fact that the process is underway is undisputable. Depopulation is generally accompanied by accelerated rates of aging in a given population. Given the dearth of effective tools to reverse these trends, it is wiser to cease all attempts to reverse the irreversible and instead focus on preparing the organizational structures of states and regions for the economic and social ramifications of depopulation.