The objectives of this study were to evaluate: Mexican women's knowledge about cervical cancer prevention; psychosocial barriers to screening; and the relation of both to cervical cancer screening behavior. Three hundred and eighty-four rural and urban women who had achieved a basic or higher educational level were surveyed. Almost 80% of the women had a Pap test but rural women were less likely to have done so. Although most women had received their most recent Pap within the last three years, only 29% had had their first Pap in accordance with the official Mexican norm. Participants showed inadequate knowledge about the risk factors for cervical cancer, especially women with only a basic educational level, irrespective of residence in an urban or rural area. Factors associated with non-screening were poor knowledge about Pap testing and about the risk factors for cervical cancer, as well as the following barriers: believing that Pap testing is too embarrassing; believing that men do not want them to have a Pap test; and believing that the test is painful. In light of these socio-cultural influences, our findings could be helpful in designing effective programs to increase Pap screening.

Fatalistic beliefs about cervical cancer were studied in 464 Mexican women, and how such beliefs relate to participation in cervical cancer screening was evaluated. Rural women were less likely than urban women to have had a Pap test and more likely to believe that the illness is due to bad luck or fate. These were also the beliefs most associated with nonscreening among rural women, whereas for urban women the belief most associated with nonscreening was "there is not much I can do to prevent cervical cancer."

The present study explored the views of Mexican men concerning vasectomy. One hundred and five men who had not had a vasectomy were asked to complete the following phrase "If you no longer wanted to have more children and a vasectomy was suggested, you would react with . . . or you would think . . . " with at least five different answers. Participants then had to rank each of their answers according to how well they describe the participant's feelings in the hypothetical situation. The results were analyzed using the Natural Semantic Networks Technique. The most common words used by participants with a limited educational background were reject, followed by fear and anger, and they did not use any words that implied acceptance of vasectomy. In contrast, the most common words used by participants with higher education were curiosity, followed by acceptance and interest; however, they also used the words fear and insecurity. The most frequent attitudes reported by men with limited education were negative, whereas participants with a higher education reported more ambivalent attitudes. These findings are discussed in light of sociocultural features and could be helpful in designing reproductive health programs with more effective counseling to diminish negative views about vasectomy.

One hundred and sixty-one Mexican respondents completed a questionnaire that measured beliefs and attitudes toward hysterectomy and another that measured gender-role ideology in marriage (GRIMQ). The participants were divided into two groups according to the GRIMQ: "high machismo/marianismo" and "low machismo/marianismo" groups. The participants belonging to the first group showed the most negative attitudes toward hysterectomy. In this group, men showed more negative attitudes toward hysterctomy and were less likely than women to believe that hysterectomy has positive aspects. The findings are discussed in light of male dominance and female subordination that prevail in certain cultural groups of Mexico.xs.

The psychological meaning of women who have had a hysterectomy, and attitudes toward them, were explored in 121 Mexican gynecologists, 155 women who had undergone a hysterectomy, and 115 women who had not had a hysterectomy. The surveys were completed between January and May 2011. Both groups of women defined a woman who had had a hysterectomy using words with positive meanings (healthy, happy, reassured, and complete), as well as words with negative meanings (sad, incomplete, and irritable). However, the participants who had not had a hysterectomy defined a woman who had had a hysterectomy using more negative words and showed more negative attitudes toward such a woman with a hysterectomy than those women who had undergone a hysterectomy. Among participants who had undergone a hysterectomy, those who were premenopausal prior to the surgery and those who had undergone bilateral salpingo-oophorectomy defined a woman who had had a hysterectomy in a more negative manner and showed the most negative attitudes. The gynecologists did not use words with emotional content regarding women who had had a hysterectomy and showed more neutral attitudes toward such a woman than did both groups of women. These findings could be helpful in designing support programs for women facing a hysterectomy.