No abstract

Listeners identify talkers more accurately when listening to their native language compared to an unfamiliar, foreign language. This language-familiarity effect in talker identification has been shown to arise from familiarity with both the sound patterns (phonetics and phonology) and the linguistic content (words) of one's native language. However, it has been unknown whether these two sources of information contribute independently to talker identification abilities, particularly whether hearing familiar words can facilitate talker identification in the absence of familiar phonetics. To isolate the contribution of lexical familiarity, we conducted three experiments that tested listeners' ability to identify talkers saying familiar words, but with unfamiliar phonetics. In two experiments, listeners identified talkers from recordings of their native language (English), an unfamiliar foreign language (Mandarin Chinese), or "hybrid" speech stimuli (sentences spoken in Mandarin, but which can be convincingly coerced to sound like English when presented with subtitles that prime plausible English-language lexical interpretations based on the Mandarin phonetics). In a third experiment, we explored natural variation in lexical-phonetic congruence as listeners identified talkers with varying degrees of a Mandarin accent. Priming listeners to hear English speech did not improve their ability to identify talkers speaking Mandarin, even after additional training, and talker identification accuracy decreased as talkers' phonetics became increasingly dissimilar to American English. Together, these experiments indicate that unfamiliar sound patterns preclude talker identification benefits otherwise afforded by familiar words. These results suggest that linguistic representations contribute hierarchically to talker identification; the facilitatory effect of familiar words requires the availability of familiar phonological forms.

Speech is processed less efficiently from discontinuous, mixed talkers than one consistent talker, but little is known about the neural mechanisms for processing talker variability. Here, we measured psychophysiological responses to talker variability using electroencephalography (EEG) and pupillometry while listeners performed a delayed recall of digit span task. Listeners heard and recalled seven-digit sequences with both talker (single- vs. mixed-talker digits) and temporal (0- vs. 500-ms inter-digit intervals) discontinuities. Talker discontinuity reduced serial recall accuracy. Both talker and temporal discontinuities elicited P3a-like neural evoked response, while rapid processing of mixed-talkers’ speech led to increased phasic pupil dilation. Furthermore, mixed-talkers’ speech produced less alpha oscillatory power during working memory maintenance, but not during speech encoding. Overall, these results are consistent with an auditory attention and streaming framework in which talker discontinuity leads to involuntary, stimulus-driven attentional reorientation to novel speech sources, resulting in the processing interference classically associated with talker variability.

• Listeners were significantly faster identifying words spoken by the same talker, even if they expected to hear a different talker or had no certain expectation about which talker they would hear. • Only fulfilled expectations of word repetition were facilitatory for speech processing; expected changes or unexpected repetitions had no effect compared to having no expectations about word repetition at all. • These results suggest that talker adaptation-related efficiency gains in speech processing may reflect bottom-up mechanisms that interpret speech in the context of preceding speech [6]. • Speech processing efficiency appears to primarily be driven by continuity in the speech source, not top-down expectations [7], suggesting talker adaptation in speech perception is an obligatory, feedforward process [2].