The technological development of the electronic media and the changes in their role create a process of transition to using alternative modes of communication, which combine mass media and inter-personal communication. These means are alternative to traditional media; they serve segments of the population which do not receive a suitable expression in the institutionalized media, and provide them with information and advertisement which bypass the limitations imposed on the media. The largest alternative activity taking place in Israel is targeted to the orthodox and Haredi (ultra-orthodox) population, mainly through advanced technological means, such as the internet and satellite transmissions. This study explores the ideological dilemma of using advanced communications technology by the religious public, while trying to avoid its cultural hazards and still using it effectively. It examines the characteristics of technology consumption and the use of new media among the religious target group in Israel.
In this paper we explore the impact of economic ideologies on one important area of policy. We compare the periods of 1968–77 (Labor) and 1978–87 (Likud) to determine whether differences in the stated economic ideologies of the Likud and Labor parties are reflected in their privatization policy. Furthermore, we examine whether there are differences in the techniques used to privatize by the Labor and the Likud parties. Although Labor and Likud policymakers may both choose privatization as a policy, different political environments and political bases may affect such choices. We explore the impact of these differences on the design of the specific privatization techniques selected, assess whether differences in the techniques exist, and attempt to account for such differences. Our analysis reveals that both Labor and Likud parties undertook similar privatization policies. The empirical findings contradict the hypothesis that ideological differences between the two large parties in Israel will be reflected in significant variation in privatization policy. There arc no significant differences between the two parties in number, type, or implementation of privatization policy. We find evidence that an important factor for all Israeli governments is budgetary pressure, operationalized as a deficit variable. We also find some difference between parties in the implementation of privatization, with Labor demonstrating a greater propensity to sell complete enterprises, and Likud engaging in more partial sales of state assets. We argue that this difference results from the differing ability of each party to negotiate with Israel's largest labor union. The fact that there were no significant differences in the number of actions taken by Likud and Labor administrations suggests that there are other barriers to this process. Two explanations for this process are indicated.
Social media has become a major tool to disseminate information, opinions and news, used for political campaigning and offering new opportunities for individuals and politicians alike. The Prime Minister of Israel, Binyamin Netanyahu, has been particularly aggressive in his use of social media to gather political support. Considered as the great survivor of Israeli politics, that flourished in the atmosphere of social protests and emerged from the old political mechanism, he derives his power from social networks, using them as alternative media to the traditional networks. As the research demonstrates, social media has determined dramatic changes in the balance of political power, and although the main channels of information remain the traditional media, the exposure of the public to social media is accelerating with a wide unmediated public debate. With social media, newcomers in Israeli politics could also create a presence and rise to become renowned politicians. It is interesting however, that the veteran politician-Netanyahu-was able to take advantage of disseminate information over the Internet and become active on his Facebook page, including engaging Internet users in direct dialogue. The paper examines the use of social media by newcomers and veteran politicians in the last two elections and analyzes the way Netanyahu used social media to accomplish his political goals, including high involvement of the public and motivating record-high voter turnout to maintain his own reelection and the domination of the Israeli Parliament by the Likud Party.
The question that stands at the heart of this research is, based on the Israeli experience: how technology is changing society? Such question is extremely important, as countries seek to advance in their competitive position in a global environment. The assumption made here is that competition between countries has accelerated with the development of technology, as the distinction between developed and developing countries became apparent. That brings up the question: what is needed to build comparative advantages and be successful in a global world? Israel is a remarkable example of global competition, as high-tech development has been based on the performance of the country in the field of innovation. However, as the research demonstrates, the contradiction in Israel's status is evident in the supremacy of the country in technological advancement and the weaknesses in social-economic development. This proves the dilemma countries face in advancing technology: while it is obvious that both technology and globalization have a great and positive impact around the world, they have been negative for the socioeconomic gaps and inequality. This is where the role of developing countries is apparent in establishing a successful high-tech industry and a growing global economy, despite social disadvantages.
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