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This paper examines the representation of English WH-phrase movement in the grammars of Japanese elementary and intermediate EFL learners. It argues that elementary level speakers allow movement of the kind *How manyidid Bill think tistudents are smart?and that this is because they treat WH-movement as scrambling. By contrast, intermediate EFL learners do not allow such movement. Given that scrambling is optional, the elementary subjects should also allow WH-phrasesin situ. However, this is not the case for some of the speakers. It is suggested that in these cases, informants have an obligatory stylistic WH-fronting rule. It was also found that while the intermediate proficiency EFL learners have acquired the movement property of English WH-phrases, they have not acquired their quantificational force. It is argued that this follows if the FquantAbsorption parameter proposed by Watanabe (2000) has not been reset from its Japanese value.

We report that (i) European pro-drop language learners of Japanese as a foreign language (L1 Spanish) (pro-drop JFLs) allowed a sloppy interpretation of null arguments beginning at the primary stage of L2 development, and that (ii) European non-pro-drop JFL learners (non-pro-drop JFLs) did not permit a sloppy interpretation with null arguments even at an advanced level. Under Ishino's (2012) framework, we argue that the results for the pro-drop JFLs follow from positive L1 transfer, given that Spanish, their first language, permits a sloppy interpretation with null subjects in some well-defined contexts (Duguine, 2013(Duguine, , 2014, and also that the non-pro-drop advanced JFLs' availability of null arguments stems from the addition of a D-feature to the feature bundles of the target language.

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This paper examines one type of distributive interpretation in Japanese available only in sentences containing a numeral quantifier (NQ) with the distributive affix zutsu in a pre-nominal position. I propose that what appears to be the simple complex of an NQ with the distributive affix actually turns out to be a relative clause, which must appear within the NP. I further show that simple NQs can also be located inside the NP. The fundamental premise of my proposal is the predicative nature of NQs in Japanese (Miyagawa in structure and case marking in Japanese, 1989; Ueda in Oriental linguistics, 1986). The property of NQs in point allows us to account for the availability of the interpretation in question in Japanese.Keywords Distributive affix Á Relative clause Á Numeral quantifier Á Predicate Á Locative pro Á Noun phrase IntroductionThis paper examines one particular type of distributive interpretation found in sentences containing a numeral quantifier (NQ), which consists of a numeral and a classifier (Cl), and the distributive affix zutsu (Dist) in Japanese, and attempts to