The article explores the constitutional practice of normative regulation of the right to freedom of thought and religion, enshrined in Art. 35 of the Constitution of Ukraine and in similar norms of the constitutions of the states of continental Europe. The necessity to state the stated norm in the new version is substantiated. It is determined that the right to freedom of worldview and religion, which is enshrined in Art. 35 of the Constitution of Ukraine, relates to civil rights of man and citizen and consists of three basic elements: freedom of thought, freedom of conscience and freedom of religion. This right includes the freedom to profess any religion or not to practice any religion, to freely send religious cults and rituals, as well as to conduct religious activities. It is noted that in the states of continental Europe the constitutional and legal regulation of the right to freedom of opinion and religion is implemented differently. Thus, in the constitutions of Andorra, Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Armenia, Georgia, Estonia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Romania, San Ma-rino, Serbia, Czech Republic and Montenegro, the analyzed law is enshrined along with other human rights. In other constitutions of European states, the law under study is formulated in a separate article. It is stated that the constitutions of European states use unequal verbal designations of this right. In particular, such terminological expressions as "freedom of conscience and religion", "freedom of cults", "freedom of conscience, religion and other beliefs", "freedom of conscience and religion", "freedom of conscience", "freedom of religion and worship", " freedom of religion ”,“ freedom of choice of religion ”,“ freedom of conscience, religion and worship ”,“ freedom of religion and conscience ”,“ freedom of religious beliefs ”, which differ but have much in common. The expediency of deleting the term “freedom of world outlook” from Part 1 of Art. 35 of the Constitution of Ukraine and the consolidation of the term "freedom of conscience", which in its content, first, covers a broad sphere of spiritual, world-view of human being, and second, acts as the freedom of choice and assertion of the individual in the system of religious coordinates. It is proposed taking into account the European experience of constitutional and legal regulation of the right to freedom of opinion and religion of the provision of Art. 35 of the Constitution of Ukraine shall be read as follows: “Everyone has the right to freedom of conscience and religion. This right includes the freedom to profess any religion or not to practice any religion, to freely send religious or ritual rites alone or collec-tively, to conduct religious activities. The exercise of this right may be restricted by law only in the interests of public order, the health and morals of the population, or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. Churches and religious organizations in Ukraine are separated from the state and the state education system from the church. No religion can be recognized as binding by the state. Churches and religious organizations are equal before the law. It is forbidden to compel a person to choose and profess any religion or belief, to participate in re-ligious and ritual ceremonies or activities of a religious organization and to receive religious education.”

ПРАВО НА СВОБОДУ ДУМКИ І СЛОВА: ТЕОРЕТИКО-ПРАВОВІ АСПЕКТИ УДОСКОНАЛЕННЯ ст. 34 КОНСТИТУЦІЇ УКРАЇНИ. Досліджено конституційну практику нормативного регулювання права на свободу думки і слова, закріпленого в ст. 34 Конституції України та в аналогічних нормах конституцій європейських держав. Обґрунтовано необхідність внесення змін до ст. 34 Конституції України. Зазначено, що право на свободу думки і слова посідає особливе місце в системі прав людини, що надає людині можливість вільно висловлювати власну думку, погляди й переконання та впливати на різні політичні процеси, які відбуваються в державі. Констатовано, що право на свободу думки і слова знайшло своє закріплення в міжнародноправових документах з прав людини, зокрема в Загальній декларації прав людини, Міжнародному пакті про громадянські і політичні права, Конвенції про захист прав людини та основположних свобод, а також у всіх конституціях держав континентальної Європи. Зроблено висновок, що наявна юридична конструкція ч. 1 ст. 34 Конституції України в цілому відповідає вимогам міжнародно-правових документів з прав людини. Наголошено на недоцільності у ч. 2 ст. 34 Конституції України деталізовувати способи реалізації права на інформацію. У звязку з чим, запропоновано, припис "усно, письмово або в інший спосіб-на свій вибір" вилучити із зазначеної частини, а замість нього закріпити словосполучення "в будь-який спосіб, не заборонений законом". Підкреслено, що на відміну від конституцій зазначених європейських держав, Конституція України передбачила доволі широкий перелік правових підстав обмеження права на свободу думки і слова та права на інформацію, що, на думку авторів, є зайвим, адже будь-які підстави правового обмеження повинні міститись виключно в нормах галузевого законодавства. Отже, враховуючи європейський досвід щодо конституційно-правового регулювання права на свободу думки і слова та права на інформацію, запропоновано ст. 34 Конституції України викласти в оновленій редакції, а саме: "Кожному гарантується право на свободу думки і слова, на вільне вираження своїх поглядів і переконань. Кожен має право вільно одержувати, збирати, зберігати, використовувати і поширювати інформацію в будь-який спосіб, не заборонений законом. Здійснення цих прав може бути обмежене в інтересах національної безпеки, територіальної цілісності або громадського порядку та лише у випадках, передбачених законом". Ключові слова: конституція, свобода думки, свобода слова, право на свободу думки і слова. Problem statement. A special place in the human rights system is the right to freedom of opinion and speech, which is enshrined in Part 1 of Art. 34 of the Constitution of Ukraine, and gives a person the opportunity to freely express their opinions, views and beliefs and thus influence the socio-political processes that take place in the state. At the present stage, this right is an indispensable guarantor of public control over the state, enabling mutual bilateral communication between the state and society, as well as creating preconditions for effective balancing, taking into a...

6. Kharutyunyan H. Yndyvydualʹnaya konstytutsyonnaya zhaloba: evropeyskye tendentsyy systemnoho razvytyya. [Harutyunyan, G. Individual constitutional complaint: European tendencies of systemic development] URL: https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/ documents/?pdf=CDL-JU(2011)018-rus. [in Russ.]. 7. Shevchuk I.M. (2015) Protsedura amparo yak forma konstytutsiynoho kontrolyu v Meksytsi. Naukovyy visnyk Mizhnarodnoho humanitarnoho universytetu. [The amparo procedure as a form of constitutional control in Mexico. Scientific Bulletin of the International Humanities University] Ser.: Yurysprudentsiya. № 17. S. 148-150. [in Ukr.]. SUMMARY Nalyvaiko L. R., Zielienina M. V. Models of direct individual access to constitutional justice. The article emphasises that the issue of introducing a constitutional complaint into the national legal system has become a priority with the development of constitutional justice-the institution of constitutional law. Today, when a constitutional complaint is enshrined in Ukraine, the issues of improving its quality and making it accessible to persons entitled to file such a petition with the Constitutional Court of Ukraine remain urgent. In order to develop effective concepts for the development of the constitutional complaint institute, attention is paid to the genesis and existing models that have been implemented in our country for a long time. The concept of direct individual access to constitutional justice is considered. Special emphasis is placed on investigating the models of constitutional complaints that exist in states today, in particular traditional and non-traditional ones. It is stated that direct individual access to a court of constitutional jurisdiction is possible in such forms as: public complaint (astio popularis), quasi-public complaint (quasi astio popularis), individual proposal, amparo procedure, constitutional appeal. It is noted that it is also possible to appeal to the Constitutional Court in other, non-traditional forms, in particular, in the form of a constitutional appeal, regulated by the Law of Ukraine "On the Constitutional Court of Ukraine". The opinion of the Venice Commission is that in the context of increased attention to the protection of human and citizen's rights and freedoms, the model of full constitutional complaint is the most effective.

The article considers the principle of equality, which is discussed in Part 4 of Art. 13; st.st.21, 24; Part 2 of Art.38; Part 2 of Art.43; Part 1 of Art.51; Part 1 of Art.52; Part 1 of Art.71; Part 2 of Art. 129 of the Constitution of Ukraine and is mentioned in most constitutions of European states, and it is proved that it is not only a principle of constitutional law, but also one of the fundamental principles on which human rights and freedoms are exercised and their place in society and state is determined. It is noted that the terms «equality» and «equality», although used interchangeably to denote the full range of rights and freedoms, are not identical. Equality is a broader concept than equality and includes the latter. It is proved that in Art. 24 of the Constitution of Ukraine identifies three main aspects of this principle: 1) equality of citizens in rights; 2) equality of citizens before the law; 3) equality of rights of women and men, and it is emphasized that the state provides only legal, formal equality between people. That is, there is no and cannot be actual equality between people, because everyone differs in their individual abilities. Therefore, the analyzed principle legally justifies the actual inequality between people. It is substantiated that the provision, which is enshrined in Part 1 of Art. 24 of the Constitution of Ukraine guarantees only the equality of citizens before the law and their equal rights and freedoms. At the same time, there are examples that this principle applies to every person who is enshrined in the constitutions of continental Europe by the term «all», «all people» or a term meaning nationality (Belgians, Greeks, Spaniards, Luxembourgers, Monegasques). In this regard, it is proposed to replace the term «citizens» in the analyzed part with the term «all people», as well as to remove the word «constitutional» from the terminological phrase «constitutional rights and freedoms». It is emphasized that there can be no privileges or restrictions on the grounds listed in Part 2 of Art. 24 of the Constitution of Ukraine (eleven in total). The same and other similar features are enshrined in the constitutional market in 25 of the 42 European states belonging to the Romano-Germanic system of law. It is concluded that it is necessary to strengthen the wording of this part through the establishment of guarantees by the state. In Part 3 of Art. 24 of the Constitution of Ukraine reflected the provision, which separately emphasizes the equality of women's and men's rights through the consolidation of requirements, conditions and benefits, ie proposed a wording that does not have the vast majority of continental Europe. And therefore it is offered to state this part in other way. The expediency from the point of view of logic and legal technique, and also taking into account the constitutional practice of foreign countries and researches of domestic scientists of statement of Art. 24 of the Constitution of Ukraine in a new edition, which will give it the opportunity to have a more perfect look.

The article examines the role of political parties in modern state-building processes in Ukraine. The place of political parties in the political and legal system of society is determined. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered. It is noted that political parties play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, act as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities, influence the formation of public opinion and the position of citizens directly involved in elections to public authorities and local governments. It is determined that in a modern democratic society, political parties carry out their activities in the following areas: the work of representatives of political parties in public authorities and local governments; participation in elections of state authorities and local self-government bodies; promoting the formation and expression of political will of citizens, which involves promoting the formation and development of their political legal consciousness. These areas of political parties determine their role and importance in a modern democratic society, which determines the practical need to improve their activities and improve the national legislation of Ukraine in the field of political parties. Political parties are one of the basic institutions of modern society, they actively influence the ac-tivities of public authorities, economic and social processes taking place in the state and so on. It is through political parties that the people participate in the management of public affairs. Expressing the interest of different social communities, they become a link between the state and civil society. The people have the opportunity to delegate their powers to political parties, which achieves the ability of the people to control political power in several ways, which at the same time through competition of state political institutions and political parties contributes to increasing their responsibility to the people. It is noted that the political science literature has more than 200 definitions of political parties. And approaches to the definition of this term significantly depend on the general context in which this issue was studied by the researcher. It was emphasized that today in Ukraine there are important issues related to the activities of political parties. First of all, it is a significant number of registered political parties that are incapable, ie their political activity is conducted formally or not at all. According to official data from the Department of State Registration and Notary of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine, 352 political parties are registered, of which 48 political parties do not actually function. The reason for the liquidation of such parties is not to nominate their candidates for the election of the President of Ukraine and People's Deputies of Ukraine for 10 years. According to this indicator, Ukraine ranks first among other European countries. Thus, 73 political parties are officially registered in Latvia, 38 in Lithuania, 45 in Moldova, 124 in Romania, and 56 in Slovakia. However, despite the large number of officially registered political parties in Ukraine, public confidence in their activities is low. It is concluded that political parties occupy a special place in the political and legal system of society and play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, as well as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered, namely: introduction of effective and impartial control over activity of political parties; creating conditions for reducing the number of political parties, encouraging their unification; establishment of effective and efficient sanctions for violation of the requirements of the current legislation of Ukraine by political parties.