PurposeNon-adherence to tuberculosis therapy can lead to drug resistance, prolonged infectiousness, and death; therefore, understanding what causes treatment default is important. Pakistan has one of the highest burdens of tuberculosis in the world, yet there have been no qualitative studies in Pakistan that have specifically examined why default occurs. We conducted a mixed methods study at a tuberculosis clinic in Karachi to understand why patients with drug-susceptible tuberculosis default from treatment, and to identify factors associated with default. Patients attending this clinic pick up medications weekly and undergo family-supported directly observed therapy.MethodsIn-depth interviews were administered to 21 patients who had defaulted. We also compared patients who defaulted with those who were cured, had completed, or had failed treatment in 2013.ResultsQualitative analyses showed the most common reasons for default were the financial burden of treatment, and medication side effects and beliefs. The influence of finances on other causes of default was also prominent, as was concern about the effect of treatment on family members. In quantitative analysis, of 2120 patients, 301 (14.2%) defaulted. Univariate analysis found that male gender (OR: 1.34, 95% CI: 1.04–1.71), being 35–59 years of age (OR: 1.54, 95% CI: 1.14–2.08), or being 60 years of age or older (OR: 1.84, 95% CI: 1.17–2.88) were associated with default. After adjusting for gender, disease site, and patient category, being 35–59 years of age (aOR: 1.49, 95% CI: 1.10–2.03) or 60 years of age or older (aOR: 1.76, 95% CI: 1.12–2.77) were associated with default.ConclusionsIn multivariate analysis age was the only variable associated with default. This lack of identifiable risk factors and our qualitative findings imply that default is complex and often due to extrinsic and medication-related factors. More tolerable medications, improved side effect management, and innovative cost-reduction measures are needed to reduce default from tuberculosis treatment.
IntroductionOsteoarthritis of the knee has been identified as the most common disability in Pakistan. Total knee replacement (TKR) surgery is the curative treatment for advanced osteoarthritis of the knee; however, cost remains one of the barriers to effective and timely service delivery.ObjectiveWe conducted a time-driven activity-based costing (TDABC) analysis of TKR to identify major cost drivers and areas for process improvement.Methods and analysisWe performed a prospective TDABC analysis of patients who underwent bilateral TKR at The Indus Hospital (TIH) during a 14-month period from October 2015 to December 2016. Detailed process maps were developed for each phase of the care cycle. Time durations and costs were allocated to each resource utilised and aggregated across the care cycle, including personnel, direct and indirect costs.ResultsWe identified seven care phases for a complete TKR care cycle and created their detailed process maps. Major time contributors were ward stay and discharge (20 160 min), TKR surgery (563 min) and surgical admission (333 min). Overall, 92.10% of time is spent during the ward stay and discharge phase of care. Patients remain hospitalised for an average of 14 days postoperatively. Overall institutional cost of a TKR at TIH was US$4360.51 (Pakistani rupees 456 981.17) per bilateral TKR surgery. The overall primary cost drivers for the full bundle of care were consumables used during TKR surgery itself, consumables utilised in the wards and personnel costs contributing 57.64%, 27.45% and 12.03% of total costs, respectively.ConclusionUtilising TDABC allowed us to obtain a granular analysis of time and cost that was subsequently used to inform quality process improvement initiatives. In low-resource settings, such as Pakistan, TDABC has the potential to be a useful tool to guide resource allocation and process improvement.
Background Incontinence is a complex health and social issue, which involves the involuntary loss of urine or faeces or both. Individuals with disabilities are particularly vulnerable to incontinence. The management of incontinence has largely been overlooked in low and middle-income settings (LMICs). This study aimed to explore the incontinence management strategies employed by disabled people with severe incontinence and their caregivers in Sindh Province, Pakistan. Methods Incontinence management was explored through in-depth interviews with people with incontinence (PWI) and their caregivers, photovoice, and a market survey and product attribute assessment. Data was analysed thematically through inductive coding and evaluated against existing disability and caregiver frameworks. Results Incontinence management affected all aspects of daily life for PWI and caregivers. Effective management of incontinence was prioritised because caregivers viewed it to be part of their familial duty and a requirement for the household to remain pure in the eyes of God. Coping strategies included strict adherence to routines, reducing food and drink intake, creative uses of locally available natural resources, and a heavy reliance on soap and water for maintaining hygiene. Products such as adult diapers were largely unavailable, costly and were not deemed suitable for regular use. There were no social or medical interventions in the region to support incontinence management. The main impacts of incontinence on the household were social isolation, stigma, role shifts within the family, the development of physical ailments among caregivers, and decreased income. Conclusion The complex health, psychological, social, economic, and cultural impacts of incontinence are exacerbated in LMICs due a lack of recognition of the condition, the absence of social or medical interventions and limited access to basic WASH infrastructure, and assistive devices or products. Appropriate solutions need to be developed in partnership with PWI and caregivers and need to be contextualised, affordable and sustainable.
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