The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the partnership between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine in the context of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The analysis is based on a thorough review of relevant literature, official documents, and expert opinions, and aims to identify the main challenges and achievements of the partnership and offer recommendations for its further development. The author emphasizes the successes and challenges of the EU-Ukraine partnership in areas such as political cooperation, economic integration, and security cooperation. While the EU's support for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity has been a key factor in the partnership's success, the article also highlights several limitations and shortcomings of the partnership. These include the slow pace of reforms in Ukraine, the impact of corruption on the country's development, and the EU's limited leverage over Russia's actions. To address these challenges, the article offers recommendations for how the EU-Ukraine partnership can be strengthened, including deeper engagement on issues such as energy security, human rights, and rule of law as well as a more proactive approach to supporting Ukraine's democratic development and reform agenda. The analysis suggests that these steps are crucial for ensuring the partnership's continued relevance and effectiveness, and for supporting Ukraine's path towards European integration and democratic consolidation. Overall, this article provides a critical and nuanced assessment of the EU-Ukraine partnership in the context of the CFSP, offering important insights for scholars, policymakers, and practitioners in the fields of EU foreign policy, Ukrainian politics, and international relations.
Стаття актуалізує питання впливу постправди на політичні процеси в Європейському Союзі та важливості боротьби з цим явищем. Поява таких явищ, як фейкові новини, альтернативні факти та популізм нової хвилі, призвела до нової актуальної проблеми для більшості сучасних демократій західного світу. Вони наголосили на концептуальному зрушенні всередині соціальних тенденцій та процесів, що призвело до створення світу постправди. Основні характеристики таких явищ можна описати як перехід від доказового, нормативного та фактичного дискурсу до емоційного, постфактичного та популістичного. У статті зроблений огляд особливостей функціонування ЄС в епоху постправди та аналіз діяльності East Strat Task Force. Розглянуто поняття «постправда», схарактеризовано специфіку розповсюдження фейкових новин. У цьому контексті зміни в європейській політиці на наднаціональному рівні стали особливо важливими. Загроза інформаційної атаки з боку Російської Федерації змусила ЄС детально розглянути низку механізмів подолання негативних наслідків фейкових новин та дезінформації. Тим часом основна ідея того, як боротися з феноменом постправди, ґрунтується на принципі соціальної стійкості та удосконалення медіаграмотності. Автором розглядаються ініціативи європейських структур, зокрема створення East StratCom Task Force для протидії зовнішньому деструктивному інформаційному впливу Російської Федерації на соціально-політичні процеси. Особливу увагу приділено інституційному розвиткові, здобуткам, проблемам і перспективам East StratCom Task Force (ESTF). Представлені практичні рекомендації для протидії та запобігання розповсюдженню дезінформації.
Proclaiming a new world order, the leaders of Western states provided for the expansion of peace and stability by assisting with Europeanization and the integration of Central and Eastern Europe. However, the situation with Ukraine is more complicated. The aim of the paper is revealing of the EU’s soft power peculiarities towards Ukraine. The methodology is based on studies of Joseph Nye and the USC Centre of Public Diplomacy. Both have been adapted and implemented to the aims of the current study. The most important questions are: What makes the EU attractive abroad? To what extent does the EU rely on its attractiveness in its relations with Ukraine? What prevents the EU from more effectively pursuing its soft power policy towards Ukraine? As a result of this work, it became clear that the EU's influence on Ukraine and in particular on the solution of the current conflict with Russia was insignificant. This is a paradox if we consider the individual characteristics of both actors. The EU still loses to Russia in digital diplomacy. However, in terms of the attractiveness of cultural achievements, the strength of the EU is about the same as that of Russia. The strength of the diplomatic network, its contribution to global interaction in the case of the EU is relatively higher than that of Russia. Finally, the EU's strength is much higher than that of Russia in terms of the attractive economic model, business friendliness, and ability to innovate; by the level of human capital, contribution to scholarships, and attractiveness for international students; in the context of a commitment to freedom, human rights and democracy, and the quality of political institutions. In the future, it is necessary to conduct a study of this phenomenon and find out what affects the EU's inability to use its soft power advantages effectively.
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