This article explores the extent of authoritarian durability and public opinion towards democracy in Southeast Asia drawing on findings from the Asian Barometer. While Freedom House indicators rank many countries in the region as not free or partially free, a high proportion of citizens within the same countries report that they live in a democracy. Conversely, countries ranked as electoral or liberal democracies have high proportions of citizens who report that they do not live in a democracy. These findings reveal quasi-thermostatic concerns that, when satisfied, open the way for the expression of other concerns. Views about democratic experience reveal differing expectations about democracy among the general public. In general, the results suggest that a high proportion of citizens in Southeast Asia have a rather instrumental view of democracy that is underpinned by perceptions of good governance rather than democratic ideals. Still, while economic growth is considered to be very important, when looking at what matters for a functioning democracy, other measures of good governance such as freedom and equality, trust in government, accountability and responsiveness are considered more important.The widespread protest activity across Indonesia in 1998, which led to the abrupt fall of President Suharto and his corrupt New Order regime, revealed the fragile nature of authoritarian regimes in Southeast Asia. Across the border in Malaysia, calls for free and fair elections by the Pakatan Rakyat are symptomatic of a region with growing demands for democracy. But are protests across Southeast Asia representative of broader societal interests there? It is still unclear whether democracy will eventually flourish in a region largely dominated by electoral and competitive authoritarian political systems, which rely on patronage, strong state institutions, control of the media, weak party identification and electoral manipulation.Since the turn of the century, there has been a renewed interest in perceptions of democracy and the durability of authoritarianism (see Brownlee, 2007;Diamond,