Currency-related crime was endemic in London during the Restriction Period . This article looks at 884 individuals suspected or charged by the Bank of England, and considers how changes in detection strategy affected the prevalence of ethnically Irish people within that list of suspects. It rejects an anti-Irish bias, and concludes that from 1812 a reduced reliance upon shopkeepers to catch people passing off false currency, and a subsequent rise in 'sting operations' initiated by paid officers and local informants, resulted in a significant increase in non-Irish culprits coming under suspicion and a proportionate decline of Irish accused. This change was the result of the Bank's newfound ability to target local networks involved in the less public forms of currency crime (selling, counterfeiting, forging) for which the Irish were less well known. These findings challenge the Irish criminal reputation by highlighting the important role of detection strategies in accusations.keywords Crime, Ethnicity, Irish, Bank of England, Discretion, OnomasticsThe early nineteenth-century Irish in London are often remembered as poor, semi-criminal slum dwellers, associated with the narrow streets of St. Giles-in-the-Fields, the dockside parishes of the East End, and the Borough. Apart from internal English migrants, they were the city's largest group of outsiders. An 1803 estimate pegged the number of Irish beggars at 5,300, in addition to London's substantial financially secure Irish population. By focusing on the pre-trial stages of the justice system, this paper tests King's findings and the Irish criminal reputation, asking instead if Irish culprits were just more likely to get caught. This builds upon the substantial historiography of discretionary justice, which until recently has focused on class and gender rather than ethnicity. 5 Contemporary reliance on victim-led prosecutions makes pre-trial bias particularly important. 6 As John Beattie and Andrew Harris have noted, victims may have had assistance and advice from local officers or watchmen, but detecting the crime, identifying the culprit, confronting them, and seeking the arrest warrant were usually decisions for the victim alone.7 If anti-Irish bias was present when people made the choice to pursue or not pursue justice, then the Irish reputation for crime may be exaggerated.Anti-Irish bias was certainly on the minds of the Irish, who had a proverb 'the name of an Irishman is enough to hang him'.8 Suspicion of authority also resulted in occasional interventions by Irish men physically blocking attempts to arrest Irish culprits.9 Yet, pre-trial anti-Irish bias has proved difficult to measure, in part because those who got away form part of the elusive 'dark figure' of unreported crime.10 As J.S. Cockburn notes, the problem is compounded by the fact that the paper trail of justice was created for administrative and practical purposes rather than to accurately represent events for the benefit of historians.
11This paper addresses these challenges by focusing on an i...