A late bird or a good bird? The effect of 9 o’clock attendance policy on student’s achievement

Jung, Hoyong

doi:10.1007/s12564-018-9558-1

Cited by 9 publications

(19 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…The 11 longitudinal studies all included a change in SSTs and hence had an intervention group 48,49,67,51,52,55–57,64–66 . However, only 6 studies had an additional control group with no change 48,56,65–67 or advance of SSTs 55 (Fig. 2b).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…2d). The remaining studies analysed other types of objective scores or grades 48,49,55,59,61,64,65 , subjective grades 51,52,60,62,63,66,69 , and in one study the outcome was unclear 53 . Sampling resolution was mostly once per year, the highest reported resolution was once per academic quarter 49 .…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Well-designed studies also reveal no clear picture What do studies with low risk (i.e., a ≥75% good-evidence-score) conclude about the influence of SSTs on academic achievement? Lenard et al (2020) 56 found that advancing SSTs by 40 minutes did not affect ACT scores, while Jung (2018) 65 showed that delaying start times by 40-60 min also did not affect grades when personal covariates were controlled for. If studies with a good-evidence-score of 50% are also considered, the picture is more complex: two studies report small gains in math and reading 48,55 , and one reports small effects on math but not on Korean nor English 67 .…”

Section: Methodological Considerationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…On the positive side, especially the longitudinal studies with a control group showed a high evidence quality with 2 56,65 out of 6 studies reaching at least a 75%-score and 3 more studies 48,55,67 >50%. Two studies 48,67 could have improved their score to 75% simply by ensuring sufficient reporting of outcomes and statistical analyses.…”

Section: Risk Of Bias Assessmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

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School start times and academic achievement - a systematic review on grades and test scores

Biller

Meißner

et al. 2021

Preprint

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School start times have been at the centre of many scientific and political debates given the accumulating evidence that bell times are generally too early, and thus lead to an epidemic of sleep restriction in the student population. Recent media attention has conveyed the message that later school starts not only improve sleep but also result in better academic achievement. Several studies have been recently published on this topic requiring a comprehensive review of the results to clarify the relationship between later school start times and academic achievement to inform the general public and policy makers. To this end, we conducted a systematic review of the current literature on school starting times and academic achievement in middle and high school students, considering grades and standardised test scores as achievement measures. We followed the PRISMA guidelines for searching, including, and reporting relevant literature and identified 21 studies for detailed analysis. Evidence quality of included studies was assessed with a pre-defined risk of bias assessment using modified items from the GRADE scheme and ROBINS-I tool. About half of the reviewed studies reported no (positive or negative) effect of delaying school times on grades and test scores, while the other half reported either mixed or positive results. Given the strong heterogeneity of included studies, we grouped them according to various characteristics, such as academic outcomes, dose of delay, evidence quality, or study design to identify potential hidden effects. Despite this, we could not identify any generalisable effect beyond single studies as to whether delaying school times has clear beneficial effects on academic performance. Given that grades and scores determine future career trajectories and predict future success, the question whether school start times contribute to academic achievement is of great interest for the general public and needs to be further clarified. Mechanistically, it is very likely that improved sleep leads to or mediates improved cognitive performance and learning, but definitive conclusions on whether this also translates into better grades and scores across all students requires better evidence at this stage. Importantly, this does not preclude other positive outcomes of later start times such as improved sleep (quality), motivation or learning but draws attention on current gaps and shortcomings. To this end, we also highlight critical methodological aspects and provide suggestions to increase the evidence-level and to guide the direction of research in future studies.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Methodological Considerationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Risk Of Bias Assessmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

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School start times and academic achievement - a systematic review on grades and test scores

Biller

Meißner

et al. 2021

Preprint

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“…However, we argue that such simple pre-post analysis of aggregated grades is not suited to answer this complex question -although this has frequently been done using cross-sectional data. Studies on grades that performed proficient analyses, such as mixed regression models [57], quantile regression models [58] or difference-in-difference approaches [59][60][61] accounting for available confounders provided mixed results and mostly small effect sizes (for a systematic review see [28]). Nonetheless, positive effects of delayed school start times on academic achievement have been widely proclaimed -bound to raise falsely high expectations in parents and teachers.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Are flexible school start times associated with higher academic grades? A 4-year longitudinal study

Biller

Molenda

Obster³

et al. 2021

Preprint

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The mismatch between teenagers' late sleep phase and early school start time results in acute and chronic sleep reductions. This is not only harmful for students' learning in the short-term but may impact on students' career prospects and widen social inequalities. Delaying school start times has been shown to improve sleep but whether this translates to better achievement is unresolved. The current evidence is limited due to a plethora of outcome measures and the many factors influencing sleep and grade/score trajectories. Here, we studied whether 0.5-1.5 years of exposure to a flexible school start system, with the daily choice of an 8AM or 8:50AM-start (intervention), allowed secondary school students (n=63-157, 14-19 years) to improve their quarterly school grades in a 4-year longitudinal pre-post design. We investigated whether sleep, changes in sleep or frequency of later starts predicted grade improvements in the flexible system. Our mixed model regressions with 5,111-16,724 official grades as outcomes did not indicate meaningful grade improvements in the flexible system per se or with previously observed sleep variables (nor their changes) - the covariates academic quarter, discipline and grade level had a greater, more systematic effect in our sample. Importantly, this finding does not preclude improvements in learning and cognition in our sample. However, at the 'dose' received here, intermittent sleep benefits did not obviously translate into detectable grade changes, which is in line with several other studies and highlights that grades are suboptimal to evaluate timetabling interventions despite their importance for future success.

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An introduction to the difference-in-differences design in education policy research

Corral,

Yang

2024

Asia Pacific Educ. Rev.

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A late bird or a good bird? The effect of 9 o’clock attendance policy on student’s achievement

Cited by 9 publications

References 21 publications

School start times and academic achievement - a systematic review on grades and test scores

School start times and academic achievement - a systematic review on grades and test scores

Are flexible school start times associated with higher academic grades? A 4-year longitudinal study

An introduction to the difference-in-differences design in education policy research

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