A Reference Group Theory of Partisan Coalitions

Miller, Arthur H.; Wlezien, Christopher; Hildreth, Anne

doi:10.2307/2131871

Cited by 74 publications

(58 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…In particular, if attitudes toward and identification with political groups are largely rooted in stable affective feelings (Conover & Feldman, 1981;Huddy, 1998;Miller & Sears, 1986;Miller, Wlezien, & Hildreth, 1991;Weisberg, Haynes, & Krosnick, 1995), these affective roots may mitigate against media information effects.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Media Priming of Presidential and Group Evaluations

McGraw

Ling²

2003

Political Communication

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Media Priming of Presidential and Group Evaluations

McGraw

Ling²

2003

Political Communication

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“…5 They summarize at a general and abstract level underlying dimensions of converging and clashing social forces in American political life (see, in this regard, Carmines and Layman 1997;and Miller, Wlezien, and Hildreth 1991). The factors also reflect the overall associations that people perceive between various social groups and the three religious groups.…”

Section: The Nonfundamentalist's Image Of Christian Fundamentalistsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Religious Outlook, Culture War Politics, and Antipathy Toward Christian Fundamentalists

Bolce

Maio²

1999

Public Opinion Quarterly

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Despite the societal trend toward religious comity and accommodation, sizable fractions of the American public hold antagonistic sentiments toward religious conservatives. Utilizing 1988-96 American National Election Study (ANES) data, this study explores the nature and depth of antipathy toward Christian fundamentalists. Data show that antagonism toward fundamentalists is significant today, and increasingly has become concentrated in segments of the populace that have distinct and overlapping characteristics. Multivariate analyses demonstrate that antipathy has religious as well as political sources. It is pervasive among the highly educated and among seculars. And recently, cultural progressivism has also become a significant predictor of antipathy. Antifundamentalism has declined among religiously conservative Catholics and Protestants, cultural traditionalists, and self-reported Republicans. Beginning in 1992, attitudes toward this religious group have become polarized. These results have implications for the American party system and religious pluralism.

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“…Crime, for example, has become ''racialized'' as a result of the patterns of coverage described above (Sears et al 1980). In addition, voters maintain longstanding beliefs about relationships between parties and groups (Campbell et al 1960;Miller, Wlezien, and Hildreth 1991). Party attachments grow out of these linkages.…”

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confidence: 99%

Crime News and the Priming of Racial Attitudes During Evaluations of the President

Valentino¹

1999

Public Opinion Quarterly

238

187

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This study explores the news media's ability to activate racial attitudes via stereotypic portrayals of minorities in common local crime coverage. The central hypothesis is that crime news containing minority suspects primes racial attitudes, which are subsequently brought to bear on evaluations of political candidates. In an experiment, subjects were shown no crime story, a story with nonminority suspects, or a story featuring minority suspects. President Clinton's support suffered when any crime story was present, but his support was lowest among those who saw news with minority suspects. Evaluation of Clinton's performance on crime was primed powerfully by exposure to crime news, and this effect was largest when the suspects in the story were nonwhite. Spreading activation to performance on welfare, another ''race-coded'' issue, was also evident among those exposed to racially stereotypic crime stories. Finally, among whites, exposure to minority suspects boosted the importance of the president's concern for whites as a predictor of his overall support. These results suggest that implicitly racial issues are connected in memory and can be simultaneously activated by common news coverage. The findings prompt further consideration of the political impact of stereotype-reinforcing news.The influence of the news media is of continuing interest to those who would hope to understand the dynamics of political behavior. Empirical evidence provides ample support for Cohen's (1963) claim that the news might not tell us what to think, but it does help determine what we think about. In particular, we know that coverage of an issue boosts the impact of a candidate's performance on that issue as a criterion for her overall nicholas a. valentino is an assistant professor of Communication Studies and fac-

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A Reference Group Theory of Partisan Coalitions

Cited by 74 publications

References 16 publications

Media Priming of Presidential and Group Evaluations

Media Priming of Presidential and Group Evaluations

Religious Outlook, Culture War Politics, and Antipathy Toward Christian Fundamentalists

Crime News and the Priming of Racial Attitudes During Evaluations of the President

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