A study of laryngeal gestures in Mandarin citation tones using simultaneous laryngoscopy and laryngeal ultrasound (SLLUS)

Abstract

(2014). A study of laryngeal gestures in Mandarin citation tones using simultaneous laryngoscopy and laryngeal ultrasound (SLLUS) In this work, Mandarin tone production is examined using SIMULTANEOUS LARYNGOSCOPY AND LARYNGEAL ULTRASOUND (SLLUS). Laryngoscopy is used to obtain information about laryngeal state, and laryngeal ultrasound is used to quantify changes in larynx height. With this methodology, several observations are made concerning the production of Mandarin tone in citation form. Two production strategies are attested for low tone production: (i) larynx lowering and (ii) larynx raising with laryngeal constriction. Another finding is that the larynx rises continually during level tone production, which is interpreted as a means to compensate for declining subglottal pressure. In general, we argue that larynx height plays a supportive role in facilitating f0 change under circumstances where intrinsic mechanisms for f0 control are insufficient to reach tonal targets due to vocal fold inertia. Activation of the laryngeal constrictor can be used to achieve low tone targets through mechanical adjustment to vocal fold dynamics. We conclude that extra-glottal laryngeal mechanisms play important roles in facilitating the production of tone targets and should be integrated into the contemporary articulatory model of tone production.

Covariation between voice quality and pitch: Revisiting the case of Mandarin creaky voice

“…As a result of the contraction of the TA muscles, adduction tension in the vocal folds is also increased. When the TA is highly activated but the CT is minimally activated, the glottis can remain closed for most of the cycle, leading to vocal fry (Zhang, 2016); moreover, usually the entire larynx is compressed during vocal fry, not just the glottis (Moisik et al, 2014).…”

“…For example, in addition to valve 1, creaky voice is also related to the "laryngeal constrictors" (valves 3, 4, and 5). The articulatory details are also determined by specific creaky types (Edmondson and Esling, 2006) and individual speakers (Moisik et al, 2014). Due to the complications of articulation and variability across speakers, the physiological controls and their acoustic consequences are not yet fully understood, and this urges more multidisciplinary effort.…”

Research methods in articulatory phoneticsII: Studying other gestures and recent trends

“…It should be kept in mind, however, that the view of the larynx can be partly obstructed by the tongue during the articulation of back vowels or uvular/pharyngeal consonants. Among recent studies using the method are investigations of ejectives and laryngeal approximants in Nuuchahnulth (Esling, Fraser, & Harris, 2005), vowel‐less syllables in Berber (Ridouane, 2008), and contrastive tone in Vietnamese (Brunelle et al, 2010) and Mandarin (Moisik, Lin, & Esling, 2014). Studies using endoscopy typically combine it with other methods—acoustic analysis, EGG (e.g., Brunelle et al, 2010), oral airflow (Clements & Osu, 2002), or ultrasound imaging of the glottis (Moisik et al, 2014; see below).…”

“…A recent development is a combined use of endoscopy (laryngoscopy) and ultrasound – the “simultaneous laryngoscopy and laryngeal ultrasound” method described in Moisik et al (2014). As part of this method, an ultrasound probe is held against the participant's neck (near the laryngeal prominence) and is used to image the relative height of the larynx.…”

Étude exploratoire des stratégies de production du ton 3 en chinois mandarin

“…En ce qui concerne le rapport entre mode phonatoire et tons, des études antérieures ont suggéré une covariation entre la phonation non-modale de type creaky et le pitch en chinois mandarin, le T3 et le T4 étant parfois réalisés avec une qualité de voix dite « creaky voice » (Chao, 1956 ;Davidson, 1991;Belotel-Grenié et Grenié, 1994;Kuang, 2017). Rappelons qu'en chinois mandarin, la phonation non-modale de type « creaky voice » ne supporte pas de contraste linguistique (Moisik et al, 2014). Il s'agirait plutôt ici de variation allophonique typiquement associée à une fréquence fondamentale très basse (Kuang, 2017).…”