Accusative Case and Aspect

Csirmaz, Anikó

doi:10.1007/978-1-4020-4755-8_8

Cited by 25 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…To account for the lack of object agreement with objects appearing in infinitival adjunct clauses, all that needs to be pointed out is that adjunct clauses are islands; as opposed to infinitival complement clauses, they are not transparent domains, so agreement between the finite verb and the object of an infinitival adjunct clause is not possible. This is different from what we find in simple sentences containing what Csirmaz (2008) calls accusative adjuncts, where the verb and the adjunct are in the same domain making agreement possible. We focus on infinitival complement clauses in the rest of the paper, that is verb types 3-5.…”

Section: A Locality-based Hierarchy Of Verbs Based On Patterns Of Objcontrasting

confidence: 99%

“…To account for this, Bartos (1999) and É. Kiss (2002) argue for a long distance agreement analysis, whereas Den Dikken (2004) identifies the phenomenon as one of the clause union diagnostics. For obvious reasons, verbs that have their own objects, such as object control verbs like küld 'send' or kényszerít 'force' will be excluded from our investigation: in the presence of a local object agreement with the object of the infinitive is not possible.…”

Section: Object Agreement: Preliminariesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The verb fut 'run' is an intransitive verb that selects no DP object. In spite of this, as discussed in Csirmaz (2008), it has a definite agreement paradigm as well, which surfaces when the verb fut takes a non-theta-marked definite accusative constituent. 4 Due to considerations related to the meaning and the intransitivity of the verb, it is hard to draw conclusions regarding lak-agreement.…”

Section: Intransitive Verbs With An Accusative Adjunct: [+Def ?Lak]mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Object agreement and locality in Hungarian

Szécsényi

2020

Approaches to Hungarian

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The paper claims that the two types of object agreement in Hungarian, definiteness agreement and the special lak-agreement form used for the combination of first person singular subject and second person object arguments, are the result of different syntactic operations. The argumentation is based on the different distribution of the two agreement types. To diagnose the nature of the conditions for agreement we use infinitival embedded clauses, at times with multiple embedded constructions. Six different patterns are discussed showing sensitivity to locality. Definiteness agreement turns out to be more restricted than lak-agreement. While the condition for definiteness agreement is the availability of a position where accusative case can be checked, we claim that no such condition holds for lak-agreement.

show abstract

Section: A Locality-based Hierarchy Of Verbs Based On Patterns Of Objcontrasting

confidence: 99%

Section: Object Agreement: Preliminariesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Intransitive Verbs With An Accusative Adjunct: [+Def ?Lak]mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Object agreement and locality in Hungarian

Szécsényi

2020

Approaches to Hungarian

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…are islands; as opposed to infinitival complement clauses, they are not transparent domains, so agreement between the finite verb and the object of an infinitival adjunct clause is not possible. This is different from what we find in simple sentences containing what Csirmaz (2008) calls accusative adjuncts, where the verb and the adjunct are in the same domain making agreement possible. We focus on infinitival complement clauses in the rest of the paper, that is verb types 3-5.…”

Section: A Locality-based Hierarchy Of Verbs Based On Patterns Of Objcontrasting

confidence: 99%

Approaches to Hungarian

2020

Approaches to Hungarian

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The article examines reanalysis processes underlying doubling patterns in non-degree equatives in German and Hungarian. In German, the combination als wie (lit. 'as how') is attested historically and in certain present-day dialects. Traditionally, it is assumed to be a mixed pattern involving the earlier canonical equative complementiser als and the later canonical equative complementiser wie; however, more recent proposals suggest that als was in fact reanalysed from the matrix clause. While matrix equative markers and equative complementisers are surface-similar in German historically, these elements are distinct in Hungarian throughout its history. Based on the results of a corpus study on Old Hungarian, the paper argues that reanalysis from the matrix clause is indeed possible and starts in non-degree equatives.

show abstract

“…Measure phrases are distinct from pronominal az VP-doubles in that they need not be left peripheral elements. Due to their cross-linguistically wide-spread nature (see Csirmaz, 2006 and references cited there) this case morphology is presumably not default. 16 This restriction contrasts with the predicate clefting construction (aka verb copying), in which both V and VP fronting are possible.…”

Section: Pied-piping and Strandingmentioning

confidence: 98%

Pronominal doubling under predicate topicalization

Lipták

Vicente

2009

Lingua

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper examines the behavior of VP topicalization in two unrelated languages, Hungarian and Spanish. It will show that in spite of the superficial similarity between the elements involved in such topicalization, the two languages employ a fundamentally different strategy in the derivation of these sentences. Hungarian fronts the VP material and spells it out in the form of a resumptive pronoun in the left periphery, in a mechanism similar to that described in Grohmann (2003). Spanish on the other hand generates the resumptive pronominal as an argument internal to the clause. This difference in the two derivations correlates with other differences in VP topicalization in the two languages. #

show abstract

Accusative Case and Aspect

Cited by 25 publications

References 0 publications

Object agreement and locality in Hungarian

Object agreement and locality in Hungarian

Approaches to Hungarian

Pronominal doubling under predicate topicalization

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About