“…Individuals in most honor cultures (e.g., Southern U.S., Turkey) today no longer rely primarily on herding or live detached from law enforcement, but several social mechanisms such as institutional policies that sanction sudden bursts of aggression in response to insults (e. g., Cohen et al, 1996), socialization processes whereby boys from an early age learn traditional forms of masculinity (O'Dea, Rapp, Brand, & Greco-Henderson, 2022;Vandello & Cohen, 2008), and the rapid exchanging of ideas online, travel, and globalization (Saucier et al, 2016) have helped keep masculine honor beliefs alive within these cultures, and allowed their transmission to individuals outside of honor cultures who may also learn, adopt and adhere to these beliefs (Saucier et al, 2016;Saucier & McManus, 2014). Noting these dynamics, recent studies have conceptualized and measured masculine honor beliefs as an individual difference variable (e.g., Imura et al, 2014;Saucier et al, 2016;Barnes, Brown, & Osterman, 2012), and used samples of men and women from honor (e.g., Southern U.S., Turkey) and non-honor cultures (e.g., UK, Northern U.S.) to demonstrate that higher endorsement of masculine honor beliefs correlate with greater support for men's vengeful and aggressive responses to threats (e.g., Saucier et al, 2015Saucier et al, , 2016Vandello & Cohen, 2008;van Osch et al, 2013), and perceiving men who choose to walk away from insults and fights as less manly and honorable (weak, wimpy, and embarrassing) and those who choose to confront and respond aggressively as more manly and honorable (strong, respectable, and loyal) (O'Dea, Bueno, & Saucier, 2017;O'Dea, Chalman, Castro Bueno, & Saucier, 2018;O'Dea, Rapp, Brand, & Greco-Henderson, 2022). Masculine honor beliefs may also warrant women's aggressive responses; for example women who engage in reactive physical aggression in response to insults are perceived more positively by masculine honor-endorsing men and women (Chalman et al, 2021).…”