The masculinity-based model of Aggressive Retaliation in Society (MARS).

Abstract

Recent researchers have highlighted the need for research on deadly shootings and other forms of aggression in society. To provide a theoretical roadmap for future research in this area, we have brought together socialpsychological, anthropological, sociological, and neuro-biological literature. We present a theoretical model we have labeled the Masculinity-based model of Aggressive Retaliation in Society (MARS). Masculine honor cultural ideologies foster a norm that young men should swiftly and decisively respond against threats to their masculinity. We contend that better understanding how these top-down expectations that are placed on young men interact with bottom-up processes such as hormones, brain area activation, and brain area connectivity will help explain the risk factors behind extreme forms of retaliatory aggression including shootings in modern society, and why the vast majority of these heinous crimes are committed by young men. These predictors have been established in the literature individually as causes of violence and aggression, but we contend that these may function as additive risk factors and their deadly combination that may lead to retaliatory aggression as a perceived last resort for affected boys and young men. Public Significance StatementWe have created a Masculinity-based model of Aggressive Retaliation in Society (MARS). This model helps to explain retaliatory aggression in modern society and we believe it will, with further testing, help to better understand the manifestation of extreme forms of aggression in society like shootings and violence.

Not so random acts of violence: Shared social–ecological features of violence against women and school shootings.

“…Furthermore, in line with recent research on masculinity and gun violence (Borgogna et al, 2022; Levant, 2022; O’Dea et al, 2022), almost all profiled shooters had a documented history of threatened masculinity. Consistent with masculine gender role discrepancy strain (Pleck, 1981) and precarious manhood (Vandello et al, 2008), when men are unable to meet the expectations of hegemonic masculinity, they may experience intense stress and respond to this stress in ways consistent with hegemonic masculinity, such as through the use of violence, to prove their manhood.…”

“…Additional attributes of hegemonic masculinity include a normalization of violence, especially if said violence is viewed as a means to achieve or prove one's power and dominance, the belief that women are inferior to men and thus are deserving of a subordinate position in society, and the preoccupation with and sense of entitlement to sex (Connell, 1987;Levant et al, 2010), all of which were frequently observed within shooters' histories and are correlates of VAW. Furthermore, in line with recent research on masculinity and gun violence (Borgogna et al, 2022;Levant, 2022;O'Dea et al, 2022), almost all profiled shooters had a documented history of threatened masculinity. Consistent with masculine gender role discrepancy strain (Pleck, 1981) and precarious manhood (Vandello et al, 2008), when men are unable to meet the expectations of hegemonic masculinity, they may experience intense stress and respond to this stress in ways consistent with hegemonic masculinity, such as through the use of violence, to prove their manhood.…”

When Is Masculinity “Fragile”? An Expectancy-Discrepancy-Threat Model of Masculine Identity

“…Often referred to as "toxic" (Harrington, 2021;Salter, 2019), these harmful norms may be particularly strong in certain regions, such as rural parts of the United States and the U.S. South where a "culture of honor" pervades male ideology (Nisbett & Cohen, 2019). In cultures like these, men are expected to be stereotypically masculine in part to defend their honor (i.e., manhood), which may explain the exacerbated rates of retaliatory violence and homicide among men in rural and Southern places compared with urban areas (Baron & Straus, 1988;Gastil, 1971;O'Dea et al, 2022). Other common masculinity stereotypes convey that men do not seek help, express weakness, or demonstrate vulnerability (Addis & Mahalik, 2003;Mahalik & Di Bianca, 2021;Mansfield et al, 2005;Seidler et al, 2016).…”

“…Put briefly, context may be central to predicting whether men's externalized responses to threat take the form of behavior (e.g., violence), affect (e.g., anger), or cognition (e.g., aggressive thoughts). Some theorizing has considered this important question of context on men's externalized responding (see O'Dea et al, 2022), suggesting that context may mitigate or exacerbate the degree to which emotions, thoughts, and behaviors manifest in response to threat.…”

“Act like a real man!” a novel examination of how socializing others to masculine honor-based norms bolsters men’s reputations.

“…), and masculine pretend games (i.e., playing soldiers, etc., Vandello et al, 2009; Davis & Hines, 2020; Spinner et al, 2018) and suppress “nonmasculine” emotions (Chaplin et al, 2005). Young boys are instructed to respond violently to their bullies and are socialized to believe that they will lose their honor and masculinity if they do not respond aggressively (O’Dea et al, 2022, in press).…”