Advice-taking as an unobtrusive measure of prejudice

Webb, Thomas L.

doi:10.3758/s13428-011-0122-8

Cited by 5 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 34 publications

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“…In contrast to previous findings (e.g., Friese et al, 2008; Webb, 2011), implicit attitudes did not predict behavior in these analyses. One explanation of this finding is that implicit attitudes were measured before training (i.e., at least 6 weeks before the measures of behavior), whereas previous studies measured implicit attitudes and behavior during the same session.…”

contrasting

confidence: 99%

“…The null effect of training on the amount of chocolate eaten was identical when controlling for implicit attitudes, F(1, 166) = .207, p = .649, partial η 2 = .001. 5 In contrast to previous findings (e.g., Webb, 2011, Friese et al, 2008, implicit attitudes did not predict behavior in these analyses. One explanation of this finding is that implicit attitudes were measured before training (i.e., at least 6 weeks before the measures of behavior), whereas previous studies measured implicit attitudes and behavior during the same session.…”

Section: Footnotescontrasting

confidence: 70%

“…Chocolate consumption was measured during a task presented to participants as a measure of consumer decision making, and prejudice was measured using an unobtrusive test developed and validated by Webb (2011), in which participants could take advice from Asian or White targets. 2 We tested for main effects of training on these behaviors, but also considered the hypothesis that training might improve self-control only among participants with a predisposition 15 to engage in that behavior (cf.…”

Section: Dependent Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…6 We then investigated whether habit strength and intentions were differentially predictive of behavior between conditions. Following Danner, Aarts, and de Vries ( 2008), a measure of the extent to which each behavior was habitual was created by converting the 5 In contrast to previous findings (e.g., Friese et al, 2008;Webb, 2011), implicit attitudes did not predict behavior in these analyses. One explanation of this finding is that implicit attitudes were measured before training (i.e., at least 6 weeks before the measures of behavior), whereas previous studies measured implicit attitudes and behavior during the same session.…”

Section: Far Transfermentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Denson et al, 2011). As such, the present research measured participants' performance of two behaviors that have been shown to depend upon self-control resources, buthave not yet been tested as training outcomes; eating chocolate and displaying prejudice.Chocolate consumption was measured during a task presented to participants as a measure of consumer decision making, and prejudice was measured using an unobtrusive test developed and validated by Webb (2011), in which participants could take advice from Asian or White targets. 2 We tested for main effects of training on these behaviors, but also considered the hypothesis that training might improve self-control only among participants with a predisposition 15 to engage in that behavior (cf.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Does self-control improve with practice? Evidence from a six-week training program.

Miles¹,

Sheeran²,

Baird³

et al. 2016

Journal of Experimental Psychology: General

Self Cite

127

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Can self-control be improved through practice? Several studies have found that repeated practice of tasks involving self-control improves performance on other tasks relevant to selfcontrol. However, in many of these studies, improvements after training could be attributable to methodological factors (e.g., passive control conditions). Moreover, the extent to which the effects of training transfer to real-life settings is not yet clear. In the present research, participants (N = 174) completed a 6-week training program of either cognitive or behavioral self-control tasks. We then tested the effects of practice on a range of measures of self-control, including labbased and real-world tasks. Training was compared to both active and no-contact control conditions. Despite high levels of adherence to the training tasks, there was no effect of training on any measure of self-control. Trained participants did not, for example, show reduced ego depletion effects, become better at overcoming their habits, or report exerting more self-control in everyday life. Moderation analyses found no evidence that training was effective only among particular groups of participants. Bayesian analyses suggested that the data was more consistent with a null effect of training on self-control than with previous estimates of the effect of practice.The implication is that training self-control through repeated practice does not result in generalized improvements in self-control.Keywords: self-control, self-regulation, intervention, ego depletion, self-control training 3 Does Self-Control Improve With Practice? Evidence from a 6-Week Training Program Self-control, or the ability to control thoughts, behaviors, and feelings, seems to be important for success in most areas of life (De Ridder, Lensvelt-Mulders, Finkenauer, Stok, & Baumeister, 2012). During the past 15 years, much of the research into self-control has been inspired by the strength model, which draws the analogy between self-control and a physical muscle (for a review, see Muraven & Baumeister, 2000). This model proposes that, just as using a muscle leads to temporary fatigue, exerting self-control leads to temporary reductions in selfcontrol performance; a phenomenon that has been termed 'ego depletion' (Baumeister, Bratslavsky, Muraven, & Tice, 1998). However, the strength model also suggests that if selfcontrol is repeatedly exerted over time (interspersed with periods of rest), then the opposite effect should occur. In other words, just as a muscle grows stronger with exercise, so self-control should improve over time with practice (Muraven, 2010a;Muraven, Baumeister, & Tice, 1999).The ego depletion effect has been the subject of hundreds of empirical tests, extensive analysis of mediating and moderating factors, and much lively theoretical debate (e.g., Hagger, Wood, Stiff, & Chatzisarantis, 2010;Inzlicht & Schmeichel, 2012; Carter, Kofler, Forster, & McCullough, 2015). However, the strength model's predictions about the long-term effects of exerting self-control h...

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contrasting

confidence: 99%

Section: Footnotescontrasting

confidence: 70%

Section: Dependent Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Far Transfermentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 3 more Smart Citations

Does self-control improve with practice? Evidence from a six-week training program.

Miles¹,

Sheeran²,

Baird³

et al. 2016

Journal of Experimental Psychology: General

Self Cite

127

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Toward a meaningful metric of implicit prejudice.

Blanton¹,

Jaccard²,

Strauts³

et al. 2015

Journal of Applied Psychology

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[Correction Notice: An Erratum for this article was reported in Vol 100(5) of Journal of Applied Psychology (see record 2015-40760-001). there are errors in some of the values listed in Table 6 that do not alter any of the conclusions or substantive statements in the original article. The corrected portion of Table 6 is in the correction. The positive intercepts in this table represent the estimated IAT score when the criterion has a value of zero (suggesting attitudinal neutrality), except in the equation examining voter preference in Greenwald et al. (2009), where the intercept estimated the IAT score of Obama voters.] The modal distribution of the Implicit Association Test (IAT) is commonly interpreted as showing high levels of implicit prejudice among Americans. These interpretations have fueled calls for changes in organizational and legal practices, but such applications are problematic because the IAT is scored on an arbitrary psychological metric. The present research was designed to make the IAT metric less arbitrary by determining the scores on IAT measures that are associated with observable racial or ethnic bias. By reexamining data from published studies, we found evidence that the IAT metric is "right biased," such that individuals who are behaviorally neutral tend to have positive IAT scores. Current scoring conventions fail to take into account these dynamics and can lead to faulty inferences about the prevalence of implicit prejudice.

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Unpacking the Black Box of Family Business Advising: Insights From Psychology

Strike

Michel

Kammerlander

2017

Family Business Review

102

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Academic research on family business advising is gaining momentum; however, the internal structure and mechanisms of advice giving and taking remain a black box. We conducted a systematic review that integrates findings from family business advising with those from psychology. Advising research in psychology has focused on understanding the subjective constructs and theoretical concepts composing the internal structures of advising. We develop an input–process–output framework to categorize and integrate both streams of literature on advising, introduce new concepts and variables from psychology that inform family firm advising, and identify important gaps to delineate avenues for future family firm research.

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Advice-taking as an unobtrusive measure of prejudice

Cited by 5 publications

References 34 publications

Does self-control improve with practice? Evidence from a six-week training program.

Does self-control improve with practice? Evidence from a six-week training program.

Toward a meaningful metric of implicit prejudice.

Unpacking the Black Box of Family Business Advising: Insights From Psychology

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