Affective Consistency and Sorting

Davis, Nicholas T.; Klar, Samara; Weber, Christopher

doi:10.1111/ssqu.12695

Cited by 5 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 44 publications

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“…One final test requires us to examine the association between emotions and estimation of the perceived threat (Hypotheses 3a and b). Following earlier studies on how emotions fuel cognitive biases (e.g., Davis, Klar, and Weber 2019; Redlawsk 2002; Suhay and Erisen 2018), we are interested in whether anger about immigration increases the likelihood of overestimating the number of incoming immigrants to the country. We included an item in our questionnaire to probe the respondents’ estimate of the number of E.U.…”

Section: Study 2 Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The affective model of far‐right vote in Europe: Anger, political trust, and immigration

Erişen

Vasilopoulou

2022

Social Science Quarterly

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Objective This study demonstrates that voting for the far right has a central affective dimension within the domain of immigration, the effect of which relies on the level of trust one has toward political institutions and equally colors one's estimation of threat. Methods We use representative data from two studies across three countries (Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom) at two time points (2015 and 2019). Results We first show that anger, rather than fear, constitutes the emotional mechanism underpinning the relationship between anti‐immigration attitudes and support for the far right. Second, anger is associated more strongly with far‐right voting among those with lower levels of political trust. Third, anger affects how individuals seek out and process information about immigration, resulting in the overestimation of the perceived threat. Conclusion These findings shed light on a key puzzle of electoral behavior: Why do some citizens with anti‐immigrant attitudes opt for radical politics, whereas others do not.

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Section: Study 2 Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The affective model of far‐right vote in Europe: Anger, political trust, and immigration

Erişen

Vasilopoulou

2022

Social Science Quarterly

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“…Additionally, research shows that individuals with properly sorted partisan and ideological identities are more likely to engage in media fragmentation, which may exacerbate animosity and biases in-party members feel toward outparty members (Davis and Dunaway 2016). Along the same lines, other work shows that many sorted partisans engineer their social networks to maximize their exposure to "ingroup-friendly" information (Weber and Klar 2019), and finally, that affective reactions toward party elites are more consistent among sorted individuals (Davis, Klar and Weber 2019). As a whole, this body of research not only suggests that sorted partisans think, feel, and react differently to political stimuli relative to their unsorted counterparts, but also, that information incorporated into their attitudes and subsequent behavior is likely more homogeneous than that used by unsorted partisans and independents.…”

Section: Values Polarization and Partisan-ideological Sortingmentioning

confidence: 98%

Value Disagreement and Partisan Sorting in the American Mass Public

Ciuk

2022

Political Research Quarterly

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Decades ago, research described American political culture in terms of consensus. Contemporary research, however, reaches opposite conclusions, arguing that the “culture war” that now defines American politics stems from value disagreements among partisan and ideological groups. What factors are at work in this transition from consensus to dissensus? This manuscript pulls from two literatures—one on American core political values and another on partisan-ideological sorting and affective polarization—and argues that the term dissensus best describes value preferences among individuals whose partisan and ideological identities are aligned. Among others, however, preferences on core political values are largely in consensus. First, using data from 2006 and 2019 and fitting geometric models of value preferences, I show that strong value disagreements exist primarily among sorted partisans. Next, I explore possible implications of such alignments and find that relationships among value preferences, political attitudes, and political behaviors are significantly stronger in sorted partisans. I close with a discussion of how theories undergirding affective polarization and partisan-ideological sorting can help the discipline better understand value conflict in the American mass public.

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“…Another way that partisanship is meaningful is that it shapes views of political leaders, with stronger ideological and partisan sorting associated with affective views towards leaders (Davis et al 2019). We explore affect towards leaders more generally and towards Trump and Obama specifically to assess how children's partisanship shapes their more general political attitudes.…”

Section: Positive and Negative Partisanship Among Childrenmentioning

confidence: 99%

Partisanship on the Playground: Expressive Party Politics Among Children

Lay

Holman

Greenlee

et al. 2022

Political Research Quarterly

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The beliefs and behaviors of U.S. adults are increasingly sorted and polarized along partisan lines. We draw on studies of partisanship and social identity formation to argue that children develop partisanship as a social identity during the political socialization process. For a group of children, their partisan social identity produces an affective (and largely negative) evaluation of the political world. Analyzing survey data collected from 1500+ children ages 6–12 in 2017 and 2018, we show that some children develop a partisan identity as they learn about politics that operates similarly to other social identities like gender and race. Children’s partisanship is associated with negative affective evaluations of politics, particularly leaders of the other political party. Using an innovative measurement tool, we show affective, negative reactions in children’s open-ended responses, including when they are asked to draw a political leader. Other children simply learn about politics without developing partisan identities and thus hold more positive affective evaluations of the political system.

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Affective Consistency and Sorting

Cited by 5 publications

References 44 publications

The affective model of far‐right vote in Europe: Anger, political trust, and immigration

The affective model of far‐right vote in Europe: Anger, political trust, and immigration

Value Disagreement and Partisan Sorting in the American Mass Public

Partisanship on the Playground: Expressive Party Politics Among Children

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