Anti-capitalism in the name of ethno-nationalism: ideological shifts on the German extreme right

Sommer, Bernd

doi:10.1080/00313220802204046

Cited by 29 publications

(15 citation statements)

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“…The contest that matters now is open against closed." Throughout Europe, the political left has found it difficult to take a coherent position against globalization in the last two decades, often hampered by internal intellectual conflicts (Sommer 2008, Arzheimer 2009. In contrast, the right and far right successfully attended an anti-globalization agenda (Mughan et al, 2003).…”

Section: Online Appendix G3 Stance On Trade and Globalizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Instrumental Variables and Causal Mechanisms: Unpacking The Effect of Trade on Workers and Voters

Dippel

Gold

Heblich³

et al. 2017

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in AbstractIt is often the case that an endogenous treatment variable causally affects an intermediate variable that in turn causally affects a final outcome. Using an Instrumental Variable (IV) identifies the causal effect of the endogenous treatment on both the intermediate and the final outcome variable, but not the extent to which the intermediate variable affects the final outcome. We present a new testable framework in which a single IV suffices to also estimate the causal effect of the intermediate variable on the final outcome. We use this framework to investigate to what extent German voters responded to the labor market turmoil caused by increasing trade with low-wage manufacturing countries. We first establish that import competition increased voters' support for only extreme (right) parties. We then decompose this populist 'total effect' into a 'mediated effect' running through labor market adjustments and a 'direct effect' of trade exposure on voting behavior. We find the total consists of a large populist effect driven by labor markets and a relatively smaller but moderating direct effect. Our approach provides a template that may be useful in a broad range of empirical applications studying causal mechanisms in observational data.

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Section: Online Appendix G3 Stance On Trade and Globalizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Instrumental Variables and Causal Mechanisms: Unpacking The Effect of Trade on Workers and Voters

Dippel

Gold

Heblich³

et al. 2017

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…In addition, the NPD and DVU were differentiated from other populist radical right parties because of their anti-democratic discourse (Decker & Hartleb 2006 In addition, the NPD has been striving to improve its internal organization and to coordinate its electoral strategy with the DVU (Schulze 2009). Moreover, the NPD manifesto is no longer restricted to racist and anti-semitic issues but meanwhile also encompasses current social questions such as unemployment, the welfare state, or economic concerns, as well as anti-capitalist and anti-globalization issues (Sommer 2008). Issues such as the criticism of economic globalization, free market capitalism, delocalization of firms, precarization, and labor market instability have been put forward by the NPD (Caiani & Wagemann 2006).…”

Section: The Npd As a Populist Radical Right Partymentioning

confidence: 98%

Space Matters. The Group Threat Hypothesis Revisited with Geographically Weighted Regression. The Case of the NPD 2009 Electoral Success

Teney

2012

Zeitschrift Für Soziologie

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A geographically weighted regression approach is used to assess the association of the electoral success of the NPD, an extreme right-wing political party, during the 2009 German federal election with levels of and changes in immigrant and unemployment rates. The results do not support the group threat hypothesis: the immigrant rate remains non-significant in large areas of West Germany while it shows a negative and significant relationship with NPD electoral success in most localities in East Germany as well as in Northern Bavaria. Instead, findings tend to confirm the contact hypothesis: a higher percentage of immigrants within an electoral district seems to lead to larger interethnic contact opportunities and thus to a lower proportion of votes for the NPD. The largest significant positive association of unemployment rate with NPD electoral results is observed with respect to localities that are situated around the former border between East and West Germany. The large regional variations in the effects of immigrant and unemployment rates point to different mechanisms which are at stake in the association of populist radical right success with unemployment and immigrant rates. These findings illustrate the importance of spatial variability and make the case for a broader new research agenda dedicated to exploring the mechanisms underlying spatial nonstationarity.

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“…Although the party's 2004 Saxony success coincided with increased Kameradschaften relations, the 9.2% of the vote received by the party relates more to traditional party success in Saxony and NPD opposition to welfare reforms. Welfare protectionism gave the NPD traditionally left-wing voters' backing, with 14% of those who cast second votes for the NPD casting their first for the Party of Democratic Socialism (Sommer, 2008), and 60% of 2004's NPD voters stated this protectionism explained their party backing. Despite 2004's campaign distancing the party from extremists, 'presenting itself as a respectable right-wing party' (Backes, 2006, p. 135), skinhead associations have reduced NPD's appeal to protest voters.…”

Section: Section Two: Explaining Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

From Vergangenheitsbewältigung to Violence: Unravelling the Paradoxes of the German Extreme-Right

Kushner¹

2019

Undergraduate Journal of Politics and International Relations

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This paper seeks to understand the reasons for the German extreme-right's successes and failures, particularly examining the interrelations between political parties and underground movements. It also places a particular focus on German reunification, especially the wave of East German anti-immigrant and asylum seeker violence that emerged from 1991 to 1993. Furthermore, it argues that economic factors are not enough to understand this and other subsequent German extreme-right violence, and that structural factors, such as police and intelligence inadequacies, as well as psychological factors are vital. The first section explores why xenophobic and anti-Semitic sentiments remained high in Germany despite extensive denazification, and the reasons for extreme-right party failures to exploit this. The second section examines why this sentiment has often been violently expressed. The third section looks at the relations between violent underground groups and political parties, concluding that these connections have ultimately weakened the German far-right.

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Anti-capitalism in the name of ethno-nationalism: ideological shifts on the German extreme right

Cited by 29 publications

References 0 publications

Instrumental Variables and Causal Mechanisms: Unpacking The Effect of Trade on Workers and Voters

Instrumental Variables and Causal Mechanisms: Unpacking The Effect of Trade on Workers and Voters

Space Matters. The Group Threat Hypothesis Revisited with Geographically Weighted Regression. The Case of the NPD 2009 Electoral Success

From Vergangenheitsbewältigung to Violence: Unravelling the Paradoxes of the German Extreme-Right

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