Anti-Immigrant Anxieties in State Policy: The Great Recession and Punitive Immigration Policy in the American States, 2005–2012

Ybarra, Vickie D.; Sanchez, Lisa; Sánchez, Gabriel R.

doi:10.1177/1532440015605815

Cited by 88 publications

(34 citation statements)

References 44 publications

(78 reference statements)

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“…Newman and his collaborators suggest that the change in the social environment that results from high rates of growth in outgroups produces "acculturation stress" and fears that the majority group's interests and values are under threat (Newman, 2013;Newman et al, 2012). Similarly, Ybarra and her co-authors suggest that the rate of growth of minority populations in a community produce "anti-immigrant anxieties" and this is what drives anti-immigrant legislative responses (Ybarra, Sanchez, & Sanchez, 2015).…”

Section: Population Growth Rate As a Measure Of Racial Threatmentioning

confidence: 99%

Is “Threat” in the Eye of the Researcher? Theory and Measurement in the Study of State‐Level Immigration Policymaking

Filindra¹

2018

Policy Studies Journal

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This study initiates a methodological critique of the state‐level immigration policy literature through the lens of the racial threat and group power perspectives. First, I highlight the conceptual problems related to the application of such theories to legislature‐level data analysis. Next, I demonstrate the methodological and analytical problems that raise concerns about ad hoc theorizing in this field. Using counts of hostile and welcoming immigration legislation (2005–2011), I demonstrate that outgroup size measures correlate positively with both dependent variables while measures of population growth rate yield null results unless used on their own. These results suggest that the use of legislature‐level models with demographic indicators does not allow us to gain a clear understanding of whether and how population dynamics influence immigration policymaking. Based on these findings, I recommend that when using demographic indicators as key explanatory variables, researchers provide evidence of result consistency across multiple model specifications and also test the models with both hostile and inclusive policy variables. Such protocols would help avoid ad hoc theorizing.

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Section: Population Growth Rate As a Measure Of Racial Threatmentioning

confidence: 99%

Is “Threat” in the Eye of the Researcher? Theory and Measurement in the Study of State‐Level Immigration Policymaking

Filindra¹

2018

Policy Studies Journal

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“…We attribute the Hispanic preoccupation with secondary group problems as a part of their assimilation desires and the norms and expectations that residency and citizenship entail (Alba & Nee, 1997). It may also reflect the ambiguous migration status of undocumented users or their siblings, coupled with mounting anti-immigrant anxieties (Ybarra, Sanchez, & Sanchez, 2015;Brouwer et al, 2009). Hispanics lament that their meth use and run-in with the law reflects what social theorist Milton Gordon (1964) found when he differentiated between acculturation and "structural assimilation."…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 89%

Tailoring but not targeting: a critical analysis of “the Meth Project” aimed at Hispanic youth

Scarpaci¹,

Burke²

2016

Int. J. Nonprofit Volunt. Sect. Mark.

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• This paper examines the Meth Project, a social marketing campaign that enlists violence and fear to persuade Anglo and Hispanic youth in the USA to avoid methamphetamines. Violent and graphic media spots, although perhaps initially effective for facilitating message acceptance, may be counterproductive for long-term campaign objectives. We draw on Witte's Extended Parallel Process Model to conceptualize how fear, risk, and behavior drive health-related behaviors. Merely translating the Anglo spots into Spanish is an insufficient strategy to reach Hispanic youth because it targets rather than tailors its message. Significant findings of content analyses show that public service announcements in Spanish, unexpectedly, underscore recovering users' concern for violating norms with schools, employers, and law enforcement (secondary groups), whereas the Anglo spots show users more upset for disappointing family, friends, and loved ones (primary groups). Culturally appropriate Latino spots should tailor their messages to the values of familism, collectivism, simpatía, personalismo, and respeto, which have implications for reaching Hispanic audiences in other social marketing contexts.

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“…One hypothesis for this finding is that most of the anti-immigrant rhetoric has focused over time on Latinos, 42 with periodic anti-Muslim and anti-Chinese rhetoric, resulting in high levels of exposure to…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Analysis of State-Level Immigrant Policies and Preterm Births by Race/Ethnicity Among Women Born in the US and Women Born Outside the US

et al. 2021

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IMPORTANCE Criminalizing immigrant policies, a form of structural racism, are associated with preterm birth; however, to date, few population studies have examined this association by race and nativity status or examined the association of inclusive immigrant policies with preterm birth.OBJECTIVE To assess the extent to which variation in preterm birth by race/ethnicity and nativity status is associated with state-level criminalizing vs inclusive immigrant policies. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTSThis retrospective, cross-sectional study analyzed birth record data from all 50 states and the District of Columbia in 2018, as well as state-level indicators of inclusive and criminalizing immigrant policies. White, Black, Asian, and Latina women who had singleton births were included in the study. Statistical analysis was performed from June 1, 2020, to February 5, 2021. Two continuous variables were created to capture the number of criminalizing vs inclusive immigrant policies in effect as of 2017 in each state. MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURESThe main outcome measure was preterm birth (<37 weeks' gestation). RESULTSAmong the 3 455 514 live births that occurred in 2018, 10.0% were preterm, and 23.2% were to mothers born outside the US. Overall, for women born outside the US, each additional statelevel inclusive policy was associated with a 2% decrease in preterm birth (adjusted odds ratio [aOR], 0.98 [95% CI, 0.96-1.00]); there were no significant associations between inclusive policies and preterm birth among women born in the US. In models examining the combined associations of criminalizing and inclusive immigrant policies with preterm birth, each additional criminalizing policy was associated with a 5% increase in preterm birth among Black women born outside the US (aOR, 1.05 [95% CI, 1.00-1.10]). Each additional inclusive immigrant policy was associated with a lower likelihood of preterm birth for Asian women born in the US (aOR, 0.95 [95% CI, 0.93-0.98]) and White women born outside the US (aOR, 0.97 [95% CI, 0.95-0.99]). No significant associations were found among other groups.CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE This study suggests that criminalizing immigrant policies are associated with an increase in preterm birth specifically for Black women born outside the US.Inclusive immigrant policies are associated with a decrease in preterm birth for immigrants overall, Asian women born in the US, and White women born outside the US. No associations were found between criminalizing or inclusive immigrant policies and preterm birth among Latina women.

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Anti-Immigrant Anxieties in State Policy: The Great Recession and Punitive Immigration Policy in the American States, 2005–2012

Cited by 88 publications

References 44 publications

Is “Threat” in the Eye of the Researcher? Theory and Measurement in the Study of State‐Level Immigration Policymaking

Is “Threat” in the Eye of the Researcher? Theory and Measurement in the Study of State‐Level Immigration Policymaking

Tailoring but not targeting: a critical analysis of “the Meth Project” aimed at Hispanic youth

Analysis of State-Level Immigrant Policies and Preterm Births by Race/Ethnicity Among Women Born in the US and Women Born Outside the US

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