Approaching Results in Catalan and Spanish Deadjectival Verbs

Oltra-Massuet, Isabel; Castroviejo, Elena

doi:10.5565/rev/catjl.17

Cited by 25 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…Studies conducted on Spanish have shown that word stress is defined by word structure, meaning that the morphemic nodes and the phonological characteristics of the merged morphemes are crucial for word stress (Oltra-Massuet and Arregi, 2005 ). The same analysis was conducted in Catalan (Oltra-Massuet, 1999 ), and similar assumptions were made by Andreassen and Eychenne ( 2013 ) in French (however, their argument was not deeply developed). Nevertheless, we suggest that word stress in French is strongly driven by word structure.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 67%

“…Unlike the English verbal system, which is generally divided into two groups (regular and irregular verbs) with few suffixes (i.e., walk[s], walk[ed] and walk[ing]) (Stanners et al, 1979 ; Aronoff, 1994 ), the French verbal system has different degrees of stem regularity and a paradigmatic set of suffixes for tenses and agreements. Similarly to other Romance languages (Oltra-Massuet, 1999 ; Domínguez et al, 2000 ; Say and Clahsen, 2002 ; Veríssimo and Clahsen, 2009 ), French has three groups of verbs (see Table 1 ). However, in contrast to most Romance languages, the French verbal groups are not explicitly defined in function of the theme vowels.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 93%

“…These examinations in verbal inflection have been conducted in English with the now-famous English past tense debate (Stanners et al, 1979 ; Rumelhart and McClelland, 1986 ; Marslen-Wilson and Tyler, 1998 ; Pinker, 1999 ; McClelland and Patterson, 2002 ; Pinker and Ullman, 2002 ; Fruchter et al, 2013 ), German (Clahsen, 1999 ), Dutch (Baayen et al, 1997 ; Schreuder and Baayen, 1997 ), and Finnish (Leinonen et al, 2008 ). Romance languages have also been investigated, including Spanish (Domínguez et al, 2000 ), Catalan (Oltra-Massuet, 1999 ), Portuguese (Sicuro Corrêa et al, 2004 ; Veríssimo and Clahsen, 2009 ), Italian (Burani et al, 1984 ; Caramazza et al, 1988 ; Orsolini and Marslen-Wilson, 1997 ; Say and Clahsen, 2002 ), and French (Meunier and Marslen-Wilson, 2004 ; Meunier et al, 2008 , 2009 ).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Decomposability and mental representation of French verbs

Estivalet

Meunier

2015

Front. Hum. Neurosci.

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In French, regardless of stem regularity, inflectional verbal suffixes are extremely regular and paradigmatic. Considering the complexity of the French verbal system, we argue that all French verbs are polymorphemic forms that are decomposed during visual recognition independently of their stem regularity. We conducted a behavioral experiment in which we manipulated the surface and cumulative frequencies of verbal inflected forms and asked participants to perform a visual lexical decision task. We tested four types of verbs with respect to their stem variants: a. fully regular (parler “to speak,” [parl-]); b. phonological change e/E verbs with orthographic markers (répéter “to repeat,” [répét-] and [répèt-]); c. phonological change o/O verbs without orthographic markers (adorer “to adore,” [ador-] and [adOr-]); and d. idiosyncratic (boire “to drink,” [boi-] and [buv-]). For each type of verb, we contrasted four conditions, forms with high and low surface frequencies and forms with high and low cumulative frequencies. Our results showed a significant cumulative frequency effect for the fully regular and idiosyncratic verbs, indicating that different stems within idiosyncratic verbs (such as [boi-] and [buv-]) have distinct representations in the mental lexicon as different fully regular verbs. For the phonological change verbs, we found a significant cumulative frequency effect only when considering the two forms of the stem together ([répét-] and [répèt-]), suggesting that they share a single abstract and under specified phonological representation. Our results also revealed a significant surface frequency effect for all types of verbs, which may reflect the recombination of the stem lexical representation with the functional information of the suffixes. Overall, these results indicate that all inflected verbal forms in French are decomposed during visual recognition and that this process could be due to the regularities of the French inflectional verbal suffixes.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 67%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 93%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Decomposability and mental representation of French verbs

Estivalet

Meunier

2015

Front. Hum. Neurosci.

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“…) descriptively oriented works. I show that there is a great, though not exact, parallelism between Latin unprefixed -sco verbs and the Catalan -ejar verbs analyzed by Oltra-Massuet and Castroviejo (2013). In Section 3, where the theoretical framework is presented, I deal with the basic elements of a syntactic theory of argument structure like the one put forward by Keyser (1993, 2002) and revisited and developed by Demonte (1994Demonte ( , 2006Demonte ( , 2015, Mateu (2002Mateu ( , 2012Mateu ( , 2014, Harley (2005Harley ( , 2011Harley ( , 2013, Marantz (2005Marantz ( , 2013, Acedo-Matellán (2010), and Acedo- Matellán and Mateu (2014), i.a.…”

mentioning

confidence: 82%

State and change of state in Latin

Mateu¹

2017

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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This paper offers a syntactic account of Haverling's (1994ff.) descriptive insights regarding the formation of both stative verbs and-sco verbs expressing change in Early and Classical Latin. In particular, the formal distinction between incorporation and conflation (cfr. Haugen (2008, 2009) and Mateu (2012), i.a.) is shown to be useful when dealing with the formation of these verbs. Following Acedo-Matellán and Mateu's (2013) formal account of Talmy's (1991, 2000) typology of motion events, I also address the question of why aspectual resultative prefixation is a phenomenon that is expected to be found in a satellite-framed language like Latin (e.g., cfr. inarescere 'to start becoming dry') but not in verb-framed languages like Catalan or Spanish.

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“…In MS, as a morphological well-formedness condition, an AGR node is inserted in T, at the same time as a thematic node, hosting a verbal thematic vowel, is inserted in the v categoriser (cf. Harris, 1999;Ippolito, 1999;Oltra-Massuet, 1999). The structure, then, becomes (11) after the insertion of the dissociated nodes -that is, nodes without syntactic-semantic relevance.…”

Section: Fu Sio N Fusionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Implementing the U-shaped curve in Distributed Morphology and as a by-product of the third factor

Araújo-Adriano

Beraldo

2023

Journal of Portuguese Linguistics

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In this paper, we present a novel formal approach to overregularisation (e.g. fazi “doed”, trazi “bringed”) in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), a phenomenon widely attested in children’s production. Three previous accounts for this phenomenon are also reviewed and at least partially rejected. The first explained overregularisation on the basis of Minimize Exponence (an economy principle in Distributed Morphology) not being followed by children; the second achieved the same goal by positing constraint ranking (a main feature in Optimality Theory) that is faulty in children’s grammar when compared to adult knowledge; and the third analyses BP through the framework of Grammar Competition. Our main departures with these approaches are that the first two a) are dependent on children’s breaking of the theoretical principles just mentioned; b) no learning mechanism is ever discussed to justify this; c) although both describe a system that indeed produces overregularised forms, they fail to predict or capture the three stages of the U-shaped curve, being an explanation solely of its dipping section and not of children’s development; and that the third d) only deals with noise but not exceptions, the main point of the overregularisation process. In an attempt to remedy those perceived flaws, our approach keeps theoretical principles intact, maintaining parity with adult competence and addressing points a) and b). Furthermore, we integrate the chosen descriptive toolkit of Distributed Morphology and general cognitive biases/abilities in the form of Biberauer’s Minimise Maximise Means and Yang’s Tolerance Principle (TP) in order to explain the developmental path of BP acquisition takes throughout the U-curve, thus addressing points c) and d). Finally, we argue that our proposal is naturally compatible with the notion of grammar competition by virtue of assuming TP, which might explain why children do not categorically overregularise irregular verbs, but rather do so at a given rate.

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Approaching Results in Catalan and Spanish Deadjectival Verbs

Cited by 25 publications

References 15 publications

Decomposability and mental representation of French verbs

Decomposability and mental representation of French verbs

State and change of state in Latin

Implementing the U-shaped curve in Distributed Morphology and as a by-product of the third factor

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